•CAllFOftfe,      ^OF-CAII 


1  irr 


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si 


VIEW  OF  THE  ACTION 


FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT, 


BEHALF  OF  SLAVERY. 


BY  WILLIAM  JAY. 


"  We,  THE  PEOPLE  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES,  do  ordain  and 
establish  this  Constitution."  —  Federal  Conslttulion. 


NEW-YORK: 
PUBLISHED  BY  J.  S.  TAYLOR. 

1839. 


. 

Entered  according  to  the  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1839.  by 

WILLIAM  JAY, 

in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States,  for  the 
Southern  District  of  New  York. 


G.  P.  Hopkins,  Printer,  2,  Ann-street. 


CONTENTS. 


INTRODUCTION.  —  Constitutional  provisions  in 
behalf  of  slavery — Influence  of  slavery,  co- 
extensive with  the  Union,  .  .  .  12 

FEDERAL  RATIO  or  REPRESENTATION  —  Its  op- 
eration —  Caused  unfair  distribution  of  the 
Surplus  Revenue  —  Source  of  political  in- 
fluence,   .15 

INTIMIDATION  —  Used  as  a  source  of  influ- 
ence—  Examples,  .  .  .  .  19 

OBSEQUIOUSNESS  or  PRESIDENTIAL  CANDI- 
DATES—  Examples,  .  .  .  .21 

EFFORTS  OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT  TO 
OPPRESS  AND  DEGRADE  THE  FREE  PEOPLE 
OF  COLOUR  —  Naturalization  law  —  Militia 
law  —  Post-Office  law  —  Deprived  of  the 
rights  of  suffrage,  and  rendered  ineligible 
to  office  in  the  city  of  Washington  by  act 
of  Congress  —  Oppressive  ordinances  of 
the  Corporation  of  Washington,  .  .  23 


443948 


IV  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

SLAVERY  UNDER  THE  AUTHORITY  OF  THE  FED- 
ERAL GOVERNMENT  —  Power  of  Congress 
over  the  national  territories  —  Slavery  au- 
thorized by  act  of  Congress  —  Barbarity 
of  the  slave  code  of  the  District  of  Colum- 


INTERFERENCE  OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT 
FOR  THE  RECOVERY  OF  FUGITIVE  SLAVES  - 
Constitutional  provision  —  Act  of  Congress 
respecting  fugitives  ;  unconstitutional  and 
oppressive  —  Law  in  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbiajj—  Despotic  power  of  the  Marshal 
—  His  interest  to  sell  free  men  —  Particu- 
lars of  the  sale  of  persons  not  known  to  be 
slaves  —  Practice  in  Maryland  and  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia  contrasted,  .  .  29 

NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  GREAT  BRITAIN  AND 
MEXICO  FOR  THE  SURRENDER  OF  FUGITIVE 
SLAVES  —  Extracts  from  official  documents,  47 

INVASION  OF  FLORIDA,  AND  DESTRUCTION  OF 
FUGITIVE  SLAVES  —  Official  despatches,  .  50 

COMPENSATION  FOR  FUGITIVE  SLAVES  OBTAINED 
FROM  GREAT  BRITAIN  —  Instructions  to  mi- 
nisters appointed  to  treat  of  peace  —  Trea- 
ty of  Ghent  —  Proceedings  in  the  Chesa- 
peake —  Proceedings  at  Bermuda  —  Nego- 


CONTENTS. 
*»  PAGE 

tiations  in  London  —  Award  of  the  Empe- 
ror of  Russia  —  Payment  by  Great  Britain,     53 
ATTEMPT  TO  OBTAIN  COMPENSATION  FOR  SHIP- 
WRECKED SLAVES  —  Cargoes  of  three  Ame- 
rican  slavers  rescued  in  the  West  Indies 

—  Demands  upon  the  British  Government 

—  Mr.  Stevenson's  letter  —  Extraordinary 
resolution  of  the  Senate,       ...         58 

THE  AMERICAN  SLAVE  TRADE — Its  cause  — 
Land  coffles  —  Many  of  the  victims  white 
men  and  women —  The  trade  in  Maryland 

—  In  Virginia  —  In  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia— The  trade  licensed  by  the  City  of 
Washington — Constitutional  power  of  Con- 
gress to  abolish  the  trade  —  Act  of  Con- 
gress regulating  the  trade,        .        .         .63 

DUPLICITY  OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT  IN 
REGARD  TO  THE  SUPPRESSION  OF  THE  AFRI- 
CAN TRADE  —  The  trade  permitted  by  the 
constitution  for  twenty  years,  on  the  de- 
mand of  the  South  —  Testimony  of  Mr. 
Madison  —  Opposite  interests  of  the  breed- 
ing and  the  planting  States — Illegal  con- 
tinuance of  the  trade  —  Testimony  of  mem- 
bers of  Congress  —  Testimony  of  Judge 
Story —Official  testimony -Collusive  bonds 


VI  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

taken  from  traders  —  Sale  of  imported  Af- 
ricans —  Impunity  of  traders  —  Agitation 
in  Congress  about  the  trade,  connected 
with  Colonization  —  New  law  respecting 
the  trade  — Use  made  of  it  to  promote  Co- 
lonization—  Act  making  the  trade  pira- 
cy—  Demand  made  by  Great  Britain  for 
the  fulfilment  of  the  pledge  in  the  Trea- 
ty of  Ghent  respecting  the  abolition  of  the 
trade  —  How  evaded  —  Condition  exact- 
ed —  Treaty  proposed  —  Assent  of  Great 
Britain  to  the  proposed  condition  and  trea- 
ty—  Bad  faith  of  the  Senate  towards 
Great  Britain  and  Mexico  — Final  decision 
of  the  Government  against  any  combined 
effort  to  abolish  the  trade  —  Avowals  in 
the  Senate,  .  '  ,  .  .  .  .91 
INTERFERENCE  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT  TO  PRE- 
VENT THE  ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY  IN  CUBA 

—  Instructions  to  ministers  to  the  Panama 
Congress — Negotiation  with  Russia  —  Ne- 
gotiation with  Spain  —  Speeches  in  Con- 
gress, . 120 

HOSTILITY  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT  TO  HAYTI  — 
Summary  history  of  Hayti  —  Act  of  Con- 
gress prohibiting  intercourse  with  Hayti  — 


CONTENTS. 


Vii 


PAGE 

Instructions  to  ministers  to  the  Panama 
Congress — Speeches  in  Congress  —  Ac- 
tion in  Congress,  on  a  proposition  to  ac- 
knowledge the  Republic  of  Hayti — Pres- 
ent condition  of  Hayti  —  Extent  of  Ameri- 
can commerce  with  Hayti,  .  .  .  127 

CONDUCT  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT  TOWARDS 
TEXAS  —  Attempt  to  purchase  Texas  — 
Origin  of  the  rebellion  —  Aid  afforded  the 
insurgents  from  the  United  States  —  Con- 
nivance of  the  Government  —  Attempt  to 
bring  about  war  with  Mexico  —  Manage- 
ment to  effect  the  recognition  of  Texas  — 
The  conduct  of  the  Government  towards 
Hayti  and  Texas  contrasted  —  Effort  to 
annex  Texas  to  the  United  States  —  Con- 
duct of  the  Government  towards  the  rebels 
in  Texas  and  Canada,  contrasted,  .  .  144 

ATTEMPT  TO  ESTABLISH  A  CENSORSHIP  OF  THE 
PRESS  —  Proceedings  in  Charleston  —  Let- 
ter of  Post-Master  General  —  President's 
Message  —  Alabama  indictment  —  Bill  in- 
troduced into  the  Senate  —  Proceedings 
on  it, 161 

VIOLATIONS  OF  THE  RIGHT  OF  PETITION  AND 
FREEDOM  OF  DEBATE  —  Course  pursued  in 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

the  Senate  —  In  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives,   170 

RECAPITULATION  OF  THE  ACTION  OF  THE  FED- 
ERAL GOVERNMENT,  ,  .  .  .177 

RESPONSIBILITY  OF  THE  FREE  STATES  —  Inti- 
mate connexion  between  the  North  and 
the  South— Power  of  the  North  in  the 
General  Government,  .  .  .  180 

PROBABLE  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  ANTI-SLAVERY 

AGITATION    ON    THE     PERMANENCY    OF     THE 

UNION  —  Rights  of  the  South  —  Conse- 
quences of  violating  them  —  Consequen- 
ces of  separation —  Conclusion,  .  .  183 


VIEW,&c. 


Oun  Fathers  in  forming  the  Federal  Constitution 
entered  into  a  guilty  compromise  on  the  subject 
of  Slavery,  and  heavily  is  their  sin  now  visited 
upon  their  children.  By  that  instrument,  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  African  slave-trade  was  guaran- 
teed for  twenty  years  ;  —  a  larger  proportional 
representation  in  Congress,  and  a  larger  vote  in 
the  election  of  the  Executive,  was  accorded  to 
the  slave-holding,  than  to  the  other  States  : — the 
power  of  the  nation  was  pledged  to  keep  the  slave 
in  subjection;  and  should  he  ever  escape  from  his 
fetters,  his  master  was  authorized  to  pursue  and 
to  seize  him,  in  any  and  every  of  the  sovereign 
States,  composing  our  wide-spread  confederacy. 

We  are  not  about  to  exhibit  the  corrupting  in- 
fluence of  this  compact  on  the  religious  sympathies 
and  sentiments  of  our  countrymen,  in  regard  to 
slavery;  nor  is  it  our  present  purpose  to  trace  the 
retributive  justice  of  Heaven  in  that  recklessness 
of  human  life,  and  in  that  contempt  of  human  and 
divine  obligations,  which  are  hurrying  on  the 
slave  States  to  anarchy  and  barbarism  ;  or  in  the 
2 


14  INTRODUCTION. 

eagerness  so  generally  exhibited  by  our  northern 
politicians  and  merchants,  to  barter  the  constitu- 
tional rights  of  themselves  and  their  fellow-citi- 
zens, for  the  votes  and  the  trade  of  the  South.* 

We  propose  simply  to  take  a  view  of  the  ac- 
tion of  the  Federal  Government  in  behalf  of  sla- 
very, —  a  subject  that  has  yet  been  but  partially 
investigated  ;  and  we  flatter  ourselves,  that  in  the 
course  of  our  inquiries,  we  shall  develope  facts, 


*  Before  this  language  is  condemned  as  harsh  and  exaggerated, 
we  beg  the  reader  to  recall  some  of  the  prominent  events  of  the 
last  few  years,  connected  with  this  subject :  —  the  Lynch  clubs 
and  cruel  inflictions  of  the  South,  —  the  sacking  of  the  Charleston 
post-office,  —  the  wholesale  and  unpunished  murders  at  Vicks- 
burg,  —  and  the  frequent  burnings  alive  of  negroes,  and  in  parti- 
cular, of  Mclntosh,  taken  by  the  citizens  of  St.  Louis  from  the 
prison,  chained  to  a  tree,  and  consumed  by  a  slow  fire  —  and  the 
advice  of  Judge  Lawless  to  the  grand  jury,  not  to  notice  the  dia- 
bolical atrocity,  because  it  was  in  fact,  the  act  of  the  community ! 
As  to  the  North,  we  point  in  our  justification,  to  the  innumerable 
mobs  excited  by  politicians,  against  the  friends  of  emancipation, 
—  the  various  attempts  made  by  the  state  authorities  to  propitiate 
the  South,  by  a  surrender  of  the  freedom  of  speech,  and  of  the 
press,  —  to"  the  zeal  of  the  merchants  in  our  seaports,  in  getting 
up  anti-abolition  meetings,  —  to  the  conflagration  of  Pennsylvania 
Hall,  and  to  the  martyrdom  of  Lovcjoy.  In  truth,  our  whole  land 
is  strewed  with  monuments  of  the  wickedness  and  tyranny  of 
slavery — monuments,  which  declare  in  no  doubtful  language, 
that  our  great  national  sin  is  not  unheeded  by  HIM,  to  whom  vei? 
geance  belongeth. 


FEDERAL  RATIO.  15 

which,  with  some  at  least  of  our  readers,  will 
possess  the  merit  of  novelty.  These  facts  for  the 
most  part,  derive  their  origin  from 

THE  FEDERAL  RATIO  OF  REPRESENTATION. 

The  Constitution  provides  that  the  members  of 
the  Lower  House  of  Congress  shall  be  propor- 
tioned to  the  free  inhabitants  of  the  States  they 
represent,  except  that  in  each  State,  three-fifths 
of  the  slave  population  shall  be  for  this  purpose 
considered  as  free  inhabitants.  In  other  words, 
every  five  slaves  are  to  be  counted  as  three  white 
persons.  For  example,  if  by  law  every  60,000 
free  inhabitants  may  elect  a  representative,  a  dis- 
trict containing  45,000  whites  and  25,000  slaves, 
becomes  by  the  federal  ratio  entitled  to  a  mem- 
ber. This  stipulation  in  the  Constitution  has  from 
the  beginning  given  the  slaveholders  an  undue 
weight  in  the  national  councils.  A  few  instances 
will  illustrate  its  practical  effect.  The  whole 
number  of  the  House  of  Representatives  is  at 
present  242  ;  sent  from  26  States.  Of  these,  the 
following  are  slave  States,  viz: — Delaware,  Ma- 
ryland, Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina, 
Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Lou- 
isiana, Missouri,  and  Arkansas.  These  States  with 


16  FEDERAL  RATIO. 

a  free  population  of  3,823,389,  have  100  mem- 
bers j  while  the  free  States  with  a  free  popula- 
tion nearly  double,  viz.  7,003,451,  have  only  142 
members.  •  One  representative  is  at  present  allow- 
ed to  47,700  inhabitants.  Now  were  the  slaves 
omitted  in  the  enumeration,  the  slave  States  would 
have  only  75  members.  Hence  it  follows,  that 
at  the  present  moment,  the  slaveholding  interest 
has  a  representation  of  TWENTY-FIVE  mem- 
bers in  addition  to  the  fair  and  equal  representa- 
tion of  the  free  inhabitants.  There  is  certainly 
no  good  reason  why  the  owners  of  human  chat- 
tels, should  by  the  fundamental  law  of  a  Repub- 
lic, have  greater  privileges  awarded  to  them  than 
to  the  holders  of  any  other  kind  of  property  what- 
ever. But  such  is  the  compact ;  we  seek  not  to 
change  or  violate  it,  but  only  to  explain  its  ope- 
ration. 

Each  State  has  as  many  votes  for  President  as 
it  has  members  of  Congress.  The  rule  of  repre- 
sentation in  the  Lower  House  has  already  been 
explained  ;  in  the  Senate  it  is  different :  and  each 
State,  whatever  be  its  population,  has  two  Sena- 
tors, and  no  more.  The  free  population  of  the 
slave  States,  as  already  stated,  is  half  that  of  the 
others  ;  but  their  number  being  equal,  their  rep- 
resentation in  the  Senate  is  also  equal. 


FEDERAL  RATIO.  17 

If  free  population  were  the  principle  of  rep- 
resentation in  the  Federal  Government,  as  it  is 
with  scarcely  an  exception  in  all  the  States,  the 
slave  States  would  have 

In  the  Senate,  13  members. 

In  the  House,  75 

Electoral  votes  for  President,  88 


They  have,  In  the  Senate,  26  members. 

In  the  House,  100 

Electoral  votes  for  President,  126 

Here  we  find  the  secret  of  the  power  of  the 
South,  and  of  the  obsequiousness  of  the  North. 
Ohio,  with  a  population  of  947,000,  has  19  mem- 
bers;  while  Virginia,  with  a  free  population  of 
200,000  LESS,  has  two  members  MORE.  Take  an- 
other example.  Pennsylvania  has  30  electoral 
votes;  the  States  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia, 
Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and  Kentucky, 
with  an  aggregate  free  population  of  189,791  less 
than  Pennsylvania,  have  53  electoral  votes  ! 

It  cannot  be  supposed  that  this  vast  and  most  un- 
equal representation  and  consequent  political  pow- 
2* 


18  FEDERAL  RATIO. 

er,  will  be  unemployed  by  its  possessors.  On  the 
contrary,  the  slaveholders  in  Congress  have  uni- 
formly succeeded  in  effecting  their  objects,  when 
united  among  themselves.  In  1836,  this  slave 
power  in  Congress  was  adroitly  turned  to  pecu- 
niary profit.  The  Surplus  Revenue  remaining  in 
the  Treasury  on  the  1st  of  January,  1837,  was  to 
be  distributed,  and  the  rule  of  distribution  became 
a  question.  The  income,  it  is  true,  had  been  de- 
rived chiefly  from  the  industry  and  enterprise  of 
the  North ;  but  the  South  insisted,  and  with  her 
usual  success,  that  instead  of  dividing  the  money 
according  to  population,  it  should  be  apportioned 
among  the  States  according  to  their  electoral 
votes.  By  this  rule,  the  slave  States,  notwith- 
standing their  inferiority  in  population,  would 
share  alike  with  the  free,  so  far  as  regarded  the 
number  of  their  Senators  ;  and  with  regard  to  their 
representatives,  they  would  secure  an  apportion- 
ment of  money  on  account  of  three-fifths  of  their 
two  millions  of  slaves. 

The  sum  allotted  by  this  gross  and  monstrous 
rale  to  the  States  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia, 
Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and  Kentucky, 
was  $6,754,588  ;  while  Pennsylvania  with  a  free 
population  larger  than  that  of  all  these  six  States 
together,  was  to  receive  only  83,823,353 ;  so  that 


INFLUENCE  IN   CONGRESS.  19 

in  fact  the  slaveholders  of  these  States  received 
man  for  man,  just  about  twice  as  many  dollars 
from  the  national  treasury,  as  the  hardworking 
citizens  of  Pennsylvania  !  Now  as  the  free  States 
have  a  numerical  majority  of  members,  it  is  im- 
portant to  investigate  the  SOURCES  OF  THE  SLAVE- 
HOLDING  INFLUENCE  IN  CONGRESS.  These  may  be 
regarded  as  threefold ;  first,  their  anxiety  to  pro- 
tect and  perpetuate  slavery,  renders  the  southern 
members  united  in  whatever  measures  they  con- 
sider important  for  this  purpose,  while  the  repre- 
sentatives from  the  North,  having  no  common  bond 
of  union,  are  divided  in  opinion  and  effort.  Sec- 
ondly, a  slave  State  having  more  votes  to  bestow 
on  a  presidential  candidate,  and  more  members  in 
Congress  to  support  or  oppose  the  administration 
than  a  free  State  of  equal  white  population,  is  of 
course  of  greater  consequence  in  the  estimation  of 
politicians ;  and  hence  arises  an  influence  reach- 
ing to  every  measure,  and  weighing  upon  every 
question.  The  peculiar  character  of  the  southern 
gentlemen,  together  with  their  observation  of  the 
servility  of  the  northern  politicians,  have  induced 
them  to  resort,  and  with  great  success,  to  INTIMI- 
DATION as  a  third  means  of  influence. 

The  practice  adopted  by  the  slaveholders  of 
threatening  on  all  occasions  to  dissolve  the  Union, 


20  INTIMIDATION. 

unless  they  are  permitted  to  govern  it,  has  been 
too  long  and  firmly  established  to  need  illustration. 
We  will  at  present  merely  give  a  few  recent  in- 
stances of  outrageous  menaces ;  and  to  justify  what 
we  have  said  of  the  servility  of  northern  politicians, 
it  is  sufficient  to  observe,  that  these  menaces  were 
unrebuked. 

On  the  18th  of  April,  1836,  a  petition  against  the 
continuance  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia 
was  presented  to  the  House  of  Representatives, 
when  Mr.  SPEIGHT  of  North  Carolina  declared 
in  his  place,  that  "  he  had  great  respect  for  the 
chair  as  an  officer  of  the  House,  and  a  great  res- 
pect for  him  personally,  and  nothing  but  that  res- 
pect prevented  him  from  rushing  to  the  table  and 
tearing  that  petition  to  pieces"  Of  course  it  was 
to  be  understood,  that  the  order  of  the  house  and 
the  rights  of  northern  petitioners  were  respected 
not  from  any  constitutional  obligations,  but  solely 
because  the  speaker,  himself  a  slaveholder,  was 
acceptable  to  southern  gentlemen. 

Mr.  HAMMOND  of  South  Carolina,  the  same  ses- 
sion, in  a  speech,  used  the  following  language  :  "I 
warn  the  abolitionists,  ignorant,  infatuated  barba- 
rians as  they  are,  that  if  chance  shall  throw  any 
of  them  into  our  hands,  he  may  expect  a  felon's 
death." 


INTIMIDATION.  21 

Mr.  LUMKIN  remarked  in  the  Senate,  (January 
1838,)  "  If  abolitionists  went  to  Georgia,  they 
would  be  caught :"  and  Mr.  PRESTON  declared  in 
the  same  debate  — "  Let  an  abolitionist  come 
within  the  borders  of  South  Carolina,  if  we  can 
catch  him,  we  will  try  him,  and  notwithstanding 
all  the  interference  of  all  the  governments  on  earth, 
including  the  Federal  Government,  we  will  HANG 
him." 

It  seems  probable  from  these  declarations  that 
abolitionists,  in  their  southern  travels,  will  meet 
with  "  barbarians  "  quite  as  "  ignorant  and  infat- 
uated "  as  themselves ;  and  also,  that  should  mem- 
bers of  Congress,  by  their  votes,  imprudently 
identify  themselves  with  abolitionists,  and  after- 
wards enter  the  slave  region,  they  could  not  com- 
plain of  not  having  been  explicitly  warned  that 
the  gibbet  was  to  be  their  fate. 

Such  are  the  sources  of  the  slaveholding  influ- 
ence in  Congress.  The  following  pages  will  ex- 
hibit many  of  the  results  of  this  influence,  and 
the  first  to  which  the  reader's  attention  is  called,  is 

THE  OBSEQUIOUSNESS  OF  THE  PRESIDENTIAL 
CANDIDATES. 

As  slaveholders  are  ready  to  hang  abolitionists 
when  they  can  "  catch  "  them,  it  is  not  to  be  sup- 


22  PRESIDENTIAL  CANDIDATES. 

posed  that  they  will  elect  any  of  the  proscribed 
sect,  President  of  the  United  States.  Of  course, 
it  becomes  important  for  such  gentlemen  as  aspire 
to  that  honour,  that  their  ideas  on  the  subject  of 
human  rights,  should  be  adapted  to  the  meridian 
of  the  slave  region. 

Previous  to  the  last  presidential  canvass,  Mr. 
VAN  BUREN  being  a  candidate,  thought  it  prudent 
to  write  a  letter  for  publication,  containing  the 
following  passage:  —  "I  prefer  that  not  only  you, 
but  all  the  people  of  the  United  States,  shall  now 
understand,  that  if  the  desire  of  that  portion  of 
them  which  is  favourable  to  my  election  to  the 
chief  magistracy  should  be  gratified,  I  must  go  into 
the  presidential  chair  the  inflexible  and  uncom- 
promising opponent  of  any  attempt  on  the  part  of 
Congress  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia, against  the  wishes  of  the  slaveholding  States." 

Mr.  WHITE  was  a  rival  candidate,  and  deemed 
it  expedient  to  give  his  pledge  also,  which  he  did 
in  these  terms  : — "I  do  not  believe  Congress  has 
the  power  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia ;  and  if  that  body  did  possess  the  power,  I  think 
the  exercise  of  it  would  be  the  very  worst  policy. 
Holding  these  opinions,  I  would  act  on  them  in  any 
situation  in  which  I  could  be  placed,  and  for  both 
reasons  would,  if  called  on  to  act,  withhold  my 
assent  to  any  bill  having  in  view  such  an  object " 


PRESIDENTIAL    CANDIDATES.  23 

GENERAL  HARRISON,  a  third  candidate,  also  as 
we  have  understood,  wrote  his  letter,  but  not 
having  it  before  us  cannot  quote  it.  We  presume, 
however,  it  was  thought  sufficient,  since  an  address 
in  his  behalf  from  his  political  friends  in  Virginia, 
assured  the  public  that  "he  is  sound  to  the  core 
on  the  subject  of  slavery" 

Mr.  WEBSTER,  the  fourth  and  last  candidate, 
had  many  years  before  fully  committed  himself  as 
to  the  power  of  Congress  over  slavery  in  the 
District.  He  gave  no  pledge,  and  received  no 
vote  from  any  slave  State. 

Having  thus  seen  the  extent  of  the  slavehold- 
ing  power  in  Congress,  and  in  some  degree,  its 
influence  over  political  partizans,  we  are  prepar- 
ed to  investigate  its  direct  action  in  protecting 
and  perpetuating  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the 
United  States.  The  friends  of  that  institution 
have  always  looked  with  distrust  and  alarm  upon 
the  free  coloured  people,  and  have  deemed  it 
good  policy  to  treat  them  with  ignominy,  and  to 
prevent  their  acquisition  of  power  and  influence : 
Hence  the 

EFFORTS  OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT  TO  OPPRESS 
AND  DEGRADE  THE  FREE  PEOPLE  OF  COLOUR. 


L 


The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  acknow- 


24  OPPRESSION    OF    FREE    NEGROES. 

ledges  no  right  or  disqualification  founded  on 
complexion  ;  but  those  who  have  administered  it, 
have  made  the  tincture  of  the  skin,  of  far  greater 
importance  than  the  qualities  of  either  the  head 
or  the  heart.  So  early  as  1790,  Congress  passed 
an  act  prescribing  the  mode  in  which  "  any  alien 
being  a  WHITE  person,"  might  be  naturalized 
and  admitted  to  the  rights  of  an  American  citizen, 

Two  years  after,  an  act  was  passed  for  organ- 
izing the  militia,  which  was  to  consist  of  "  each 
and  every  free,  able-bodied  WHITE  male  citi-  > 
zen,"  &c.  No  other  government  on  earth  pro- 
hibits any  portion  of  its  citizens  from  participa- 
ting in  the  national  defence  ;  and  this  strange  and 
degrading  prohibition,  utterly  repugnant  to  the 
principles  both  of  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence and  of  the  Constitution,  marks  the  solici- 
tude of  the  Federal  Government  to  pursue  the 
policy  most  agreeable  to  the  slaveholders.  But 
not  content  with  this  insult  to  coloured  citizens, 
another,  and  perhaps  a  still  more  wanton  and 
malignant  one,  was  offered  by  the  Government 
in  the  act  of  1810,  organizing  the  Post  Office  De- 
partment. The  4th  Section  enacts  that  "  no  oth- 
er than  a  free  WHITE  person  shall  be  employed 
in  carrying  the  mail  of  the  United  States,  either 
as  a  post-rider  or  driver  of  a  carriage  carrying 
the  mail,"  under  a  penalty  of  fifty  dollars. 


OPPRESSION  OF  FREE   NEGROES.  25 

Any  vagabond  from  Europe,  any  fugitive  from    \ 
our  own  prisons,  may  take  charge  of  the  United 
States  mail ;  but  a  native  born  American  citizen,    / 
of  unimpeachable  morals,  and  with  property  ac-    I 
quired  by  honest  industry,  may  not,  if  his  skin  be    / 
dark,  guide  the  horses  which  draw  the  carriage  / 
in  which  a  bag  of  newspapers  is  deposited  ! 

Such   are  the  insults  heaped   by  the  Federal 
Government  on  the  coloured  citizens  throughout        .  ^j 
the   States :  let  us  see  what  conduct  it  pursues 
towards  them  on  its  own  territory,  over  which  it 
possesses  "  exclusive  jurisdiction." 

In  1820,  Congress  passed  a  law  authorizing  the 
WHITE   citizens   of  the  City   of  Washington   to  >^)9k^' 
elect  WHITE  city  officers ;    thus  making  a  ivhite 
skin  an  indispensable  qualification  for  both  suffrage      /  ,-< 
and  office.    The  white  officers  thus  elected  by  the 
white  citizens,  were  specially  empowered  by  the 
national  legislature  "  to  prescribe  the  terms  and        fit 
conditions  on  which  free  negroes  and  mulattoes 
may  reside  in  the  city."     In  pursuance  of  this 
grant  of  power,  the  white  officers  passed  an  ordi- 
nance (May  31,  1827,)  requiring  all  the  free  col- 
oured persons  then  in  Washington  and  wishing  to 
remain,  to  be  registered  ;  and  enacting,  that  if  any 
free  man  with  a  coloured  skin  should  presume  / 
to  play  at  cards,  or  even  to  be  present  while  an* 
3 


26  OPPRESSION   OF  FREE   NEGROES. 

other  free  coloured  person  was  playing,  he  should 
be  fined  not  exceeding  five  dollars ;  that  if  he 
should  have  a  dance  in  his  house,  without  permis- 
sion from  the  white  Mayor,  he  should  be  fined  not 
exceeding  ten  dollars;  that  should  he -take  the 
liberty  to  go  out  of  his  own  house  after  ten  a  clock 
at  night,  without  a  pass  from  a  Justice  of  the 
Peace,  or  "  some  respectable  citizen,"  (!)  he  might 
be  compelled  to  pass  the  rest  of  the  night  "  in  a 
lock-up-house,"  and  the  next  morning  be  fined 
ten  dollars ;  and  should  any  dark  complexioned 
free  man  be  guilty  of  drunkenness  or  profane 
language,  he  should  be  fined  not  exceeding  three 
dollars.  Thus  we  see  with  what  zeal  the  Wash- 
ington Corporation  endeavours  to  prevent  the  co- 
loured citizens  from  affecting  the  manners  and 
fashions  of  their  white  brethren.  But  there  are 
still  more  serious  matters.  A  coloured  citizen 
from  any  of  the  States,  taking  up  his  residence  in 
the  Capital  of  the  Republic,  is  required  within  a 
certain  time,  not  only  to  be  registered,  but  also 
to  find  two  freehold  sureties  in  the  penalty  of  five 
hundred  dollars,  for  his  good  behaviour ;  and  if 
he  does  not,  he  is  to  be  imprisoned  till  he  con- 
sents to  leave  the  seat  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment ;  and  if  he  does  not  prove  that  he  is  a  free- 
man, he  shall  be  sold  as  a  slave  to  pay  his  jail 
fees  H 


SLAVERY  UNDER  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT.    27 

Such  are  the  abominable  and  iniquitous  means 
used  by  and  with  the  sanction  of  Congress,  for 
the  degradation  and  oppression  of  coloured  citi- 
zens. We  are  next  to  take  a  view  of 

SLAVERY  UNDER  THE  AUTHORITY  OF  THE 
FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT. 

It  is  well  known  that  Congress  is  the  local  le- 
gislature of  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  of  all  the 
territories  belonging  to  the  Union,  and  with  pow- 
ers far  exceeding  those  possessed  by  any  State 
Legislature,  being  unfettered  with  constitutional 
restrictions.  The  authority  vested  in  Congress 
over  the  District  and  territories,  is  virtually  des- 
potic, being  an  "  exclusive  jurisdiction  in  all  cases 
whatsoever,"  Yet  we  have  long  had  slavehold- 
ing  territories.  The  vast  domain  acquired  by 
the  purchase  of  Louisiana,  has,  under  the  authori- 
ty of  Congress,  been  stocked  with  slaves,  except- 
ing so  much  as  is  north  of  381°  north  latitude, 
which  is,  by  act  of  Congress,  specially  protected 
from  the  pollution.  This  very  law  is  one  of  the 
most  profligate  and  decided  acts  of  the  Federal 
Government  in  behalf  of  slavery;  for  by  means 
of  it,  the  immense  territory  south  of  this  line  was 
deliberately  surrendered  to  all  the  cruelties  and 


M 


SLAVE   CODE. 


abominations  of  the  system  ;  it  was  moreover  an 
express  acknowledgement  by  the  Government  of 
its  power  to  prohibit  slavery  throughout  the  whole 
territory,  and  that  it  had  made  a  COMPROMISE,  a 
bargain  between  humanity  and  cruelty,  religion 
and  wickedness ;  and  had  erected  on  an  arbi- 
trary line,  a  partition  wall  between  slavery  and 
liberty. 

But  it  is  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  under 
the  shadow  of  the  proud  Capitol,  that  the  action 
of  the  Federal  Government  in  behalf  of  slavery, 
is  exhibited  in  its  most  odious  and  disgusting 
forms.  We  shall  have  occasion  presently  to  ex- 
hibit the  seat  of  the  National  Government,  as  the 
great  slave  mart  of  the  North  American  Conti- 
nent, "  furnished  with  all  appliances  and  means  to 
boot."  The  old  slave  laws  of  Virginia  and  Mary- 
land, marked  by  the  barbarity  of  other  days, 
form  by  Act  of  Congress,  the  slave  code  of  the 
District.  Of  this  code,  a  single  sample  will  suf- 
fice. A  slave  convicted  of  setting  fire  to  a  build- 
ing, shall  have  his  head  cut  off,  and  his  body  di- 
vided into  quarters,  and  the  parts  set  up  in  the 
most  public  places !  But  let  it  not  be  supposed 
that  Congress  has  not  itself  legislated  directly  on 
the  subject  of  slavery.  An  Act  of  15th  May, 
1820,  gives  the  Corporation  of  Washington,  power 


RECOVERY  OF  FUGITIVES.  29 

to  "  punish  corporeally  any  SLAVE  for  a  breach 
of  any  of  their  ordinances."  Happy  would  it 
have  been  for  the  honour  of  our  country,  if  the 
sympathies  of  its  rulers  in  behalf  of  slavery,  had 
been  exhibited  only  on  the  national  domain ;  but 
they  pervade  every  portion  of  the  confederacy,  as 
is  but  too  apparent  in 

THE   INTERFERENCE    OF    THE    FEDERAL    GoVERN- 
MENT  FOR  THE  RECOVERY  OF  FUGITIVE  SLAVES. 

The  federal  constitution  contains  the  following 
clause :  "  No  person  held  to  service  or  labour  in 
I  \  one  State  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into 
another,  shall  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regu- 
lation therein  be  discharged  from  such  service  or 
labour,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the 
party  to  whom  such  service  or  labour  may  be 
due." 

At  the  time  this  constitution  was  adopted, 
cultivation  and  manufacture  of  cotton  had  not  so 
far  progressed,  as  to  paralyze  by  their  profits,  the 
conscience  of  the  nation,  or  to  divest  it  of  the 
sense  of  shame ;  and  hence  this  clause  although 
relating  to  slaves,  forbears  to  name  them.  It 
was  inserted  to  satisfy  the  South ;  and  its  obvious 
meaning  is,  that  Slaves  escaping  into  States  in 


30  RECOVERY  OF  FUGITIVES. 

which  slavery  is  abolished  by  law,  shall  not  there- 
fore be  deemed  free  by  the  State  authorities, 
but  shall  be  delivered  by  those  authorities,  to  his 
^  master.  This  clause  imposes  an  obligation  on 
the  States,  but  confers  no  power  on  Congress ; 
andj-he  Constitution  moreover  declares,  that  "the 
powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by 
the  Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the 
States,  are  reserved  to  the  States  respectively,  or 
to  the  people."  Hence  it  follows  that  as  the  power 
of  recovering  these  fugitives  is  not  delegated  to 
Congress,  it  is  reserved  to  the  several  States,  who 
are  bound  to  make  such  laws  as  may  be  deemed 
proper,  to  authorize  the  master  to  recover  his 
slave.  Nevertheless,  the  Federal  Government  in 
its  zeal  for  slavery,  has  not  scrupled  to  assume 
power  never  delegated  to  it,  and  has  exercised 
that  power  in  gross  and  contemptuous  violation 
of  every  principle,  which  in  free  countries,  directs 
the  administration  of  justice.  If  a  Virginian  en- 
ters New- York,  and  claims  as  his  property  a  horse 
which  he  finds  in  the  possession  of  one  of  our  cit- 
izens, an  impartial  jury  is  selected  to  pass  on  his 
claim,  —  witnesses  are  orally,  and  publicly  ex- 
amined,—  the  claimant  is  debarred  from  all  pri- 
vate intercourse  with  the  jury,  —  he  may  not  be 
alone  with  them  for  a  moment,  nor  may  a  whis- 


RECOVERY  OF  FUGITIVES.  31 

per  pass  between  them  ;  and  when  the  trial  is 
over,  the  jury  retire  to  deliberate  on  their  verdict, 
under  the  charge  of  an  officer,  who  is  sworn  to 
keep  them  apart,  and  not  to  suffer  any  person  to 
speak  with  them ;  nor  can  the  horse  be  at  last  re- 
covered but  with  the  unanimous  consent  of  the 
jury.  But  let  the  Virginian  claim,  not  the  horse, 
but  the  CITIZEN  HIMSELF  as  his  beast  of 
burden,  and  the  Federal  Government  makes  all 
things  easy  for  him.  By  the  Act  of  1793,  the 
slaveholder  may  himself  without  oath,  or  process 
of  any  kind,  seize  his  prey,  where  he,  can  find 
him,  and  at  his  leisure,  (for  no  time  is  specified.) 
drag  him  before  any  ^Justice  of  the  Peace  in  the 
place,  whomjhe  may  prefer.*  This  justice  is  a 
state  officer,  and  of  the  lowest  judicial  grade,  and 
under  no  legal  obligation  to  execute  an  Act  of 
Congress,  and  entitled  to  no  fees  for  his  services. 
He  is  therefore  peculiarly  accessible  to  improper 
influences.  Before  this  magistrate,  who  is  not  au- 
thorized to  compel  the  attendance  of  witnesses  in 
such  a  case,  the  slaveholder  brings  his  victim,  and 

*In  New- York  the  Legislature  has  interfered,  and  forbidden  a 
Justice  of  the  Peace  to  act,  and  has  therefore  virtually  declared 
the  Act  of  Congress  to  be  unconstitutional,—  and  that  the  power 
of  prescribing  the  mode  in  which  fugitives  shall  be  restored,  be- 
longs exclusively  to  the  States. 


32  RECOVERY  OF  FUGITIVES. 

if  he  can  satisfy  this  judge  of  his  own  choice,  "  by 
oral  testimony  or  affidavit"  and  for  aught  that 
appears  in  the  law,  by  his  own  oath,  that  his 
claim  is  well  founded,  the  wretched  prisoner 
is  surrendered  to  him  as  a  slave  for  life,  torn 
from  his  wife  and  children,  bereft  of  all  the 
rights  of  humanity,  and  converted  into  a  chattel, 
—  an  article  of  merchandise, —  a  beast  of  bur- 
den!! 

The  Federal  Constitution  declares  : — "  In  suits 
at  common  law,  where  the  value  in  controversy 
shall  exceed  twenty  dollars,  the  right  of  TRIAL  BY 
JURY  shall  be  preserved ;  but  the  Act  of  1793,  in 
suits  in  wh.ch  "  the  value  in  controversy  "  exceeds 
all  estimation,  dispenses  with  trial  by  jury,  and  in- 
deed with  almost  every  safeguard  of  justice  and 
personal  liberty. 

This  law,  iniquitous  as  it  is,  does  not  require 
State  officers  to  anticipate  the  pursuit  of  the  slave- 
holder, and  to  seize  and  imprison  their  fellow- 
men,  on  mere  suspicion  that  they  may  be  claimed 
as  slaves.  What  the  Federal  Government  dares 
not  do  in  the  States,  it  accomplishes  on  its  own 
exclusive  territory,  and  in  a  manner  which,  for 
atrocious  wickedness  and  tyranny,  leaves  far  in 
the  shade  the  vilest  acts  of  European  despotism. 
This  is  indeed  strong  language ;  but  alas !  Ian- 


SALE   OF  FREE   NEGROES.  33 

guage  is  too  feeble  adequately  to  represent  the 
turpitude  of  the  laws  and  practices  sanctioned  by 
the  Federal  Government,  in  the  District  under  its 
"  exclusive  jurisdiction." 

By  the  Act  of  1793,  a  justice  can  take  no  step 
for  the  restoration  of  a  fugitive  slave,  till  the  fact 
of  his  being  one  is  proved  before  him  on  oath. 
But  in  the  Metropolis  of  the  Nation,  —  in  the  city 
called  by  the  name  of  the  Father  of  his  Country, 
a  Justice  of  the  Peace  may  commit  to  the  UNITED 
STATES  PRISON,  and  into  the  custody  of  the  UNI- 
TED STATES  MARSHAL,  any  man  he  may  choose 
to  suspect  of  being  a  fugitive  slave.  Notice  is 
then  given  in  the  newspapers  of  the  commitment, 
and  the  unknown  owner  is  warned  to  take  away 
his  property,  or  it  will  be  sold  according  to  LAW, 
to  pay  JAIL  FEES. 

After  the  doors  of  the  dungeon  have  closed  upon 
the  victim,  no  magistrate,  no  court,  no  jury  take 
cognizance  of  his  claims  to  freedom.  The  jailor 
is  the  only  tribunal  to  which  he  can  appeal,  and 
how  disinterested  a.  tribunal  will  presently  be  seen. 
If  a  freeman,  no  master  can  of  course,  lawfully 
claim  him,  and  not  being  claimed,  he  is  sold  at 
auction  to  raise  money  to  pay  an  officer  of  the 
Federal  Government  for  the  trouble  and  expense  of 
keeping  him  a  few  weeks  in  prison.  What  civi- 


34 


SALE   OF  FREE  NEGROES. 


lized  government  of  the  old  world  practices  more 
execrable  wickedness  ?* 

The  whole  depth  of  this  villany  is  not  yet 
sounded.  The  disclosures  we  are  now  about 
making  should  make  every  ear  to  tingle  and  every 
heart  to  quake.  No  doubt  it  will  occur  to  many 
that  if  a  free  man,  all  the  prisoner  has  to  do,  to 
obtain  his  liberation,  is  to  prove  his  freedom. — 
Prove  his  freedom  while  locked  up  in  his  cell  ! 
Where  is  his  counsel  ?  —  where  his  process  for 
commanding  the  attendance  of  witnesses  ?  where 
the  court  sitting  in  open  day  to  investigate  his 
right  to  freedom  ?  where  the  jury  to  pass  upon  his 
case  ?  The  marshal,  or  his  deputy  the  jailor,  is 
the  only  human  being,  except  his  fellow-victims* 
to  whom  he  can  tell  his  tale.  The  marshal  is  the 
judge,  and  the  sole  judge  of  his  prisoner's  title  to 

*  Not  as  an  apology  for  this  expression,  but  as  a  reason  why 
the  writer  feels  more  sensibly  than  perhaps  many  others  on  this 
subject,  he  thinks  proper  to  mention  that  a  free  coloured  man  be- 
longing to  hia  neighbourhood  in  West  Chester  County,  N.  Y.,  on 
going  to  Washington  some  years  since,  was  there  legally  kidnap- 
ped, and  advertised  by  the  marshal  to  be  sold  to  pay  his  jail 
fees.  A  Washington  paper  containing  the  advertisement  provi- 
dentially fell  into  the  hands  of  a.  citizen  of  the  County  who  knew 
the  man.  A  public  meeting  was  called,  and  the  Governor  of  the 
State,  De  Witt  Clinton,  at  their  request,  demanded  from  the  Presi- 
dent his  immediate  release  as  a  citizen  of  New- York. 


' 

SALE   OF  FREE   NEGROES.  35 

freedom.  He  is  the  arbiter  of  happiness  and 
misery,  of  liberty  and  bondage  :  he  opens  the  door 
of  the  dungeon,  and  at  his  sovereign  will  bids  his 
captive  go  forth  to  enjoy  the  rights  and  fulfil  the 
duties  of  a  rational,  accountable,  and  immortal 
being,  or  conducts  him  to  the  human  shambles 
erected  in  the  city  of  Washington,  and  there  sells 
him  under  the  hammer  as  a  SLAVE  FOR  LIFE. 
Compared  with  this  tremendous  jurisdiction,  the 
powers  vested  in  the  highest  judicial  officer  in  our 
country  dwindle  into  insignificance.  And  should 
such  a  judge  be  disinterested  ?  The  very  question 
is  shocking  to  our  every  idea  of  justice.  Disinte- 
rested !  Screened  from  the  public  eye  — account- 
able only  to  that  Being  who  seeth  in  secret  —  de- 
claring his  judgement  in  the  recesses  of  the  prison, 
he  should  of  all  men  be  most  exempt  from  human 
passion  and  infirmity.  Yet  to  this  judge  tlie  law 
offers  a  high  and  tempting  bribe  to  sell  men  he 
knows  to  be  free,  and  thus  to  become  a  manufac- 
turer of  slaves.  Will  this  statement  be  credited  ? 
It  cannot,  and  ought  not  to  be,  without  full  and 
unequivocal  proof,  and  to  that  proof  we  now  ap- 
peal ;  premising  for  the  better  understanding  of 
our  proof,  that  the  marshal  is  required  to  maintain 
the  suspected  fugitives  while  in  his  custody  and  is 
entitled  to  fees  for  receiving  them,  &c.,  and  if  un- 


36  SALE  OP  FREE   NEGROES. 

reclaimed  has  no  means  of  procuring  payment  of 
his  expenses  and  fees  but  from  the  proceeds  of 
the  sale  of  his  prisoners  ;  and  further,  that  the  whole 
of  those  proceeds  are  permitted  by  law  to  remain 
in  his  pocket,  unless  after  the  sale  the  master 
should  be  discovered,  and  should  claim  the  bal- 
ance. 

On  the  llth  January,  1827,  the  committee  on 
the  District  of  Columbia,  to  whom  the  subject 
had  been  referred  by  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, reported  that  "  in  this  District,  as  in  all  the 
slaveholding  States  in  the  Union,  the  legal  pre- 
sumption is,  that  persons  of  colour  going  at  large 
without  any  evidences  of  their  freedom,  are  ab- 
sconding slaves,  and  prima  facie,  liable  to  all  the 
legal  provisions  applicable  to  that  class  of  per- 
sons." They  state  that  in  the  part  of  the  District 
ceded  by  Virginia,  a  FREE  negro  may  be  arrested 
and  put  in  jail  for  three  months  on  suspicion  of 
being  a  fugitive ;  he  is  then  to  be  hired  out  to 
pay  his  jail  fees ;  and  if  he  does  not  prove  his 
freedom  within  twelve  months,  is  to  be  sold  as  a 
SLAVE.  This  statement  is  followed  by  the  remark, 
"  the  committee  do  not  consider  any  alteration  of 
the  law  in  the  County  of  Alexandria  in  relation 
to  this  subject,  necessary  !"  In  the  County  of 
Washington,  ceded  by  Maryland,  they  inform  us, 


SALE  OF  FREE  NEGROES.  37 

M  If  a  free  man  of  colour  should  be  apprehended 
as  a  runaway,  he  is  subjected  to  the  payment  of 
all  fees  and  rewards  given  by  law  for  apprehend- 
ing runaways  ;  and  upon  failure  to  make  such 
payment,  is  liable  to  be  sold  as  a  slave."  That 
is,  a  man  acknowledged  to  be  free,  and  unaccused 
of  any  offence,  is  to  be  sold  as  a  slave  to  pay  the 
"  fees  and  rewards  given  by  law  for  apprehending 
runaways"  If  Turkish  despotism  is  disgraced  by 
any  enactment  of  equal  atrocity,  we  are  ignorant 
of  the  fact.  Even  the  committee  thought  this 
law  rather  hard,  and  therefore  they  "  recommen- 
ded such  an  alteration  of  it  as  would  make  such 
charges  payable  by  the  corporation  of  Washing- 
ton.* But  the  Federal  Government,  unwavering 
in  its  devotion  to  slavery,  made  no  alteration,  and 
the  code  of  Washington  is  to  this  day  polluted  by 
unquestionably  the  most  iniquitous  statute  in  Chris- 
tendom, Laws  are  sometimes  more  profligate 
than  those  who  are  called  to  administer  them, 
and  the  committee  assure  us  that  the  Marshal  has 
in  all  cases  refrained  from  selling  his  prisoners 
for  fees  and  charges,  when  their  rights  to  free- 
dom has  been  established ;  and  in  consequence 
of  not  availing  himself  of  the  privilege  allowed 
him  by  this  law,  he  had  incurred,  in  the  last  eight 
*  See  Reports  of  Committee,  2  Sess.  10  Cong.  Vol.  I.  No.  45. 
4 

448948 


38  SALE  OF  FREE  NEGROES. 

years,  a  personal  loss  of  $500  !  In  other  wordsr, 
the  Marshal's  sense  of  justice,  decency,  and  hu- 
manity, exceeded  that  of  the  rulers  of  our  Re- 
public. 

On  the  29th  January,  1829,  the  committee  on 
the  District  of  Columbia  made  a  report  in  obedi- 
ence to  the  instructions  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, "to  inquire  into  the  slave  trade  as  it 
exists  in  and  is  carried  on  through  the  District." 
The  report  proposes  no  interference  on  the  part 
of  Congress,  but  is  virtually  an  apology  for  this 
vile  traffic,  as  is  apparent  from  the  following 
heartless  sentiments  and  false  assertions. 

"The  trade  alluded  to,  is  presumed  to  refer 
more  particularly  to  that  which  is  carried  on  with 
the  view  of  transporting  slaves  to  the  South, 
which  is  one  way  of  gradually  diminishing  the 
evil  complained  of  here ;  while  the  situation  of 
these  persons  is  considerably  mitigated  by  being 
transplanted  to  a  more  genial  and  bountiful  clime. 
Although  violence  may  sometimes  be  done  to  their 
feelings  in  the  separation  of  families,  it  is  by  the 
laws  of  society  which  operate  upon  them  as  prop- 
erty, and  cannot  be  avoided  as  long  as  they  exist ; 
yet  it  should  be  some  consolation  to  those  whose 
feelings  are  interested  in  their  behalf,  to  know 


SALB  OF  FREE  NEGROES.  39 

that  their  condition  is  more  frequently  bettered, 
and  their  minds  happier  by  the  exchange"* 

To  this  report  is  appended  a  letter  (January  13, 
1829,)  from  the  Marshal  to  the  committee,  con- 
taining most  important  and  heart-rending  state- 
ments. It  appears  from  this  letter,  that  from  the 
1st  January,  1826,  to  1st  January,  1828,  there 
were  committed  to  the  Washington  prison  as 
runaways,  101. 

Proved  to  be  free,  and  discharged,  15 

Unclaimed,  and  sold  for  maintenance,  and 

charges,  and  fees,  5 

Proved  to  be  slaves,  and  delivered  to  their 

masters,  81 



101 

In  1828  —  Committed  as  runaways,  78. 
Proved  to  be  free,  11 

Unclaimed,  or  sold  for  jail  fees,  etc.  I 

Delivered  to  their  masters,  66 

78 

Here  then  is  proof,  official  documentary  proof, 
that  in  three  years,  179  human  beings  were,  by 
the  authority  of  the  Federal  Government,  arrest- 
ed in  one  county  of  the  District,  and  committed 

*  Reports  of  Committees,  2  Sess.  20  Cong.  No.  60. 


40  SALE  OF  FREE  NEGROES. 

to  prison  on  no  allegation  of  crime,  but  merely  to 
to  aid  the  slaveholders  in  trampling  upon  those 
great  principles  of  human  rights,  for  the  protec- 
tion of  which  the  National  Government  was  pro- 
fessedly founded.  It  is  also  in  proof  that  of  these 
179  prisoners,  26  were,  by  the  confession  of  the 
Marshal,/ree  men  ;  men  whom  (as  appears  from 
the  report  we  have  quoted,)  he  had  a  legal  right 
to  consign  to  hopeless  and  awful  bondage,  merely 
because  they  were  too  poor  to  pay  the  expenses 
of  their  unjust  imprisonment ;  and  who  were  in- 
debted for  their  liberty,  not  to  the  laws  and  con- 
stitution of  their  country,  but  to  the  beneficence 
of  their  jailor  —  a  beneficence  too,  exercised  at 
his  own  pecuniary  loss.  Proof  also  is  here  given, 
that  six  persons  unclaimed  as  slaves,  were,  by  the 
judgement  of  this  same  jailor,  without  counsel, 
witnesses,  or  trial,  sentenced  to  be  sold  as  slaves 
for  the  purpose  of  raising  money,  the  whole  of 
which,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  was  paid  over 
to  the  judge  who  pronounced  the  sentence.  The 
Marshal  gives  in  his  letter  the  particulars  of  the 
sale  of  the  five  unclaimed  negroes,  as  follows,  viz: 
Si  —  Amount  of  jail  fees,  etc.  $8482 

Offered  for  sale  according  to  law,  and 
no  person  being  willing  to  give  $84  82,  he 
was  purchased  by  Tench  Ringgold,  the 


SALE  OF  FREE  NEGROES.  41 

Marshal,  for  that  sum,  and  afterwards  sold 
by  him  to  Robert  Bown  for  $20,  by  which 
the  Marshal  lost,  64  82 

Hannah  Green  sold  for  $61  00 

Maintenance,  etc.  48  71 

Balance  remaining  in  Marshal's  hands,      $12  29 

Lewis  Davis  sold  for  $250  00 

Amount  of  fees,  etc.  50  07 

Balance  remaining  in  Marshal's  hands,     8199  93 


James  Green  sold  for  $80  00 

Fees  and  maintenance,  49  66 

Balance  remaining  in  Marshal's  hands,      $30  34 

Arthur  Neal  sold  for  amount  of  his  jail 
fees  and  maintenance,  to  the  Marshal, 
being  $46  06 

Sold  afterwards  by  private  sale  to  J.  G. 

Hutton  for  40  00 

Lost  by  Marshal,  $06  06 


42  SALE  OF  FREE  NEGROES. 

The  letter  concludes  thus :  "  The  Marshal  has 
always  considered  it  to  be  his  duty  whenever  a 
negro  was  committed  as  a  runaway  by  a  Justice 
of  the  Peace,  who  in  all  cases  under  the  law  com- 
mits them,  which  negro  had  not  in  his  possession 
proof  of  his  freedom,  but  alleged  himself  to  be  a 
freeman,  to  write  to  any  part  of  the  United 
States  to  persons  who  the  negro  affirmed  could 
prove  his  freedom,  urging  them  to  send  on  their 
certificates  of  such  negro  being  free  ;  and  in  ma- 
ny instances,  these  letters  of  the  Marshal  or  his 
jailor  have  been  the  means  of  bringing  proof  that 
the  negro  was  free. 

"  The  law  of  Maryland  in  force  in  this  District, 
directs  that  the  balance  of  sales  of  negroes  (sold 
as  runaways)  shall  remain  in  the  Marshal's  hands 
until  the  runaway  was  identified  as  the  property 
of  some  master  ;  and  in  conformity  thereto,  the 
Marshal  has  uniformly  handed  over  such  balance 
whenever  the  master  proved  his  property.  In  a 
late  case,  Mr.  Sprigg  of  Louisiana,  lost  a  valua- 
ble slave,  who  escaped  from  him,  and  made  his 
way  to  this  District,  and  was  committed  to  my 
custody,  advertised  and  sold,  according  to  law ; 
leaving  a  balance  of  jive  hundred  dollars,  after 
paying  maintenance,  etc.  in  my  hands.  The  ne- 
gro was  carried  to  Louisiana  by  the  person  who 


SALE  OF  FREE  NEGROES.  43 

purchased  him  of  me,  discovered  by  his  former 
master,  Mr.  Sprigg,  who  sent  on  here  and  claimed 
his  money.  Having  ascertained  that  this  negro 
was  the  property  of  Mr.  Sprigg,  I  paid  the  $500 
on  demand  to  his  agent  here,  Mr.  Josiah  Johnson, 
Senator  of  Congress  from  that  State. 

TENCH  RINGGOLD,  Marshal,  Dist.  Col." 
Such  are  the  secrets  of  the  prison-house,  estab- 
lished by  the  Federal  Government.  It  may  be 
well  to  contemplate  them  in  detail.  It  appears 
from  the  cases  of  Si  and  NEAL,  that  the  Marshal 
of  the  United  States  after  deciding  on  the  liberty 
or  bondage  of  his  prisoners,  is  allowed  to  take  his 
fees  in  human  flesh,  and  the  condemned  becomes 
the  property  of  the  very  judge  who  sentenced  him 
to  servitude,  and  who  carries  him  into  the  market 
there  to  make  out  of  him  as  much  money  as  he 
can.  True  it  is,  Mr.  Ringgold's  speculations  ap- 
pear not  to  have  been  very  productive,  but  other 
jailor-judges  may  have  less  honesty,  or  more  skill 
in  negro  flesh.  The  Marshal  it  seems  sold  his 
fees  in  the  shape  of  Si,  for  only  $20.  No  reason 
is  assigned  for  this  nominal  price.  Very  probably 
it  was  a  case  similar  to  the  one  described  by  Mr. 
Miner,  in  his  speech  on  the  floor  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  in  1829.  "  In  August,  1821,"  said 
Mr.  M.  "  a  black  man  was  taken  up,  and  imprisoned 


44  SALE  OF  FREE  NEGROES. 

as  a  runaway.  He  was  kept  confined  until  Octo- 
ber, 1822,  four  hundred  and  five  days.  In  this 
time,  vermin,  disease,  and  misery  had  deprived 
him  of  the  use  of  his  limbs.  He  was  rendered  a 
cripple  for  life,  and  finally  discharged  as  no  one 
would  buy  him" 

The  Hannah  and  James  Green  sold  for  fees, 
were  most  likely  man  and  wife,  and  may  remind 
us  that  the  law  we  are  considering  is  utterly 
reckless  of  the  most  sacred  relations.  The  pro- 
ceeds of  three  of  the  five  sold  in  1826-7,  after 
deducting  fees,  &c.  is  $242,56,  and  this  sum,  ac- 
cording to  law,  the  Marshal  retains  till  called  for ; 
but  if  the  negroes  were  free,  then,  there  being  no 
claimant}  the  money  can  never  be  called  for,  and 
becomes  the  perquisite  of  office,  and  the  income 
of  the  Judge  of  course  fluctuates  according  to 
the  number  of  freemen  he  condemns  to  slavery. 
Thus  does  the  law  literally  press  upon  the  Mar- 
shal the  wages  of  unrighteousness  —  thus  does  it 
bribe  him  to  the  commission  of  wickedness.  In 
one  instance,  the  receipts  of  a  single  condemna- 
tion were  $500,  of  which  the  Marshal  was  de- 
prived only  by  a  most  extraordinary  accident. 

And  now  let  us  review  the  conduct  of  the  Fed- 
eral Government  towards  the  free  coloured  citi- 
zen of  any  State,  who  presumes  to  visit  the  city 


SALE   OF  FREE   NEGROES.  45 

of  Washington.  At  the  will  of  a  Justice  of  the 
Peace  he  is  thrown  into  prison.  His  jailor,  if  he 
possesses  the  humanity  and  disinterestedness  of 
Mr.  Ringgold  may,  if  he  pleases,  write  letters  to 
distant  parts  of  the  confederacy,  although  he 
knows  that  a  favourable  answer  may  keep  some 
hundred  dollars  from  finding  their  way  into  his 
pocket.  If  no  such  answer  arrives,  without  any 
evidence  that  the  letter  of  inquiry  was  ever  re- 
ceived, the  poor  wretch  is  condemned  as  a  slave, 
and  the  price  of  his  bones  and  muscles  is  paid  to 
the  judge  who  condemned  him. 

And  by  whom  is  this  accursed  law  kept  in 
force?  By  Northern  Representatives  and  Sena- 
tors in  Congress.  On  the  8th  February,  1836,  the 
House  of  Representatives  resolved,  that  "  Con- 
gress ought  not  to  interfere  in  any  way  with  sla- 
very in  the  District  of  Columbia,"  and  no  less 
than  82  northern  men  had  the  hardihood  to  re- 
cord their  names  in  favour  of  the  resolution.  To 
place  if  possible,  in  a  still  stronger  light,  the  con- 
duct of  these  men,  it  may  be  mentioned  that  the 
law  we  have  been  considering,  belonged  to  the 
code  of  Maryland,  at  the  time  the  District  was 
ceded,  and  was  continued  in  force  by  Act  of  Con- 
gress. In  the  meantime,  the  Legislature  of  Mary- 
land, composed  of  slaveholders,  yielding  to  the  spirit 
of  the  age,  has  erased  this  foul  stain  from  her 


46  SALE  OF  FREE  NEGROES. 

statute-book,  while  our  northern  democrats  with 
liberty  and  equality  forever  on  their  lips,  in  hope 
of  getting  a  few  southern  votes  for  their  party, 
discover  that  Congress  ought  not  to  interfere  in 
any  way  with  slavery  in  the  District,  although  it 
is  by  the  authority  of  Congress  that  freemen  are 
converted  into  slaves. 

We  will  now  place  side  by  side,  two  advertise- 
ments, one  published  by  authority  of  Congress,  in 
which  northern  men  have  the  majority ;  the  other 
by  authority  of  the  slave  State  of  Maryland,  —  the 
first  relating  to  a  woman  and  infant  claiming  to 
be  FREE,  the  other  to  a  man  confessing  himself  a 
SLAVE. 

"NOTICE. — Was  committed  to  the  jail  of  Wash- 
ington county,  District  of  Columbia,  as  a  runaway, 
a  negro  WOMAN,  by  the  name  of  Polly  Leiper,  and 
her  infant  child  William ;  she  is  five  feet  four  in- 
ches high,  about  twenty-three  years  of  age.  She 
had  on  when  committed  *  *  *  *  Says  she 
was  set  free  by  John  Campbell,  of  Richmond,  Va. 
in  1818  or  1819.  The  owner  of  the  above-de- 
scribed woman  and  child,  if  any,  are  requested  to 
come  and  prove  them,  and  take  them  away,  or 
they  will  be  SOLD  FOR  THEIR  JAIL  FEES  AND  OTHER 
EXPENSES  AS  THE  LAW  DIRECTS. 

TENCH  RINGGOLD, 

May  19,  1827.  Marshal." 


RECOVERY  OF  FUGITIVES.  47 

"RANAWAY.  —  Was  committed  to  the  jail  of 
Washington  County,  Maryland,  on  the  24th  De- 
cember last,  a  mulatto  man  who  calls  himself 
John  Me  Daniel,  about  25  years  of  age.  *  * 
Says  he  belongs  to  William  Hill,  living  at  Fal- 
mouth,  Va.  and  was  sold  to  John  Daily,  living 
somewhere  in  the  South.  The  owner  of  the  said 
slave  is  requested  to  come  and  take  him  away,  or 
he  will  be  released  according  to  law. 

CHRISTIAN  NEWCOMB,  Jun. 

Sheriff 

DECEMBER  10,  18J.7.* 

The  endeavours  of  the  Federal  Government  to 
secure  the  restoration  of  fugitive  slaves  to  their 
m  asters,  is  not  confined  either  to  the  District  of 
Columbia,  or  to  the  States  of  this  confederacy. 
Even  American  diplomacy  must  be  made  subser- 
vient to  the  interests  of  the  slaveholders,  and  re- 
publican ambassadors  must  bear  to  foreign  courts 
the  waitings  of  our  government  for  the  escape  of 
human  property. 

On  the  10th  of  May,  1828,  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives requested  the  President  "  to  open  a 
negotiation  with  the  British  government  in  the 

*  Both  advertisements  are  taken  from  the  Washington  Intelli- 
gencer. 


48  FUGITIVES    IN    CANADA. 

view  to  obtain  an  arrangement  whereby  fugitive 
slaves  who  have  taken  refuge  in  the  Canadian 
provinces  of  that  government,  maybe  surrendered 
by  the  functionaries  thereof  to  their  masters,  upon 
making  satisfactory  proof  of  their  ownership  of 
said  slaves." 

Here  was  a  plain,  palpable  interference  in  be- 
half of  slavery  by  a  government  which  we  are 
often  assured  by  the  slaveholders  "  has  nothing  to 
do  with  slavery  ;"  and  so  tame  and  subservient 
were  the  northern  members  that  this  disgraceful 
resolution  was  adopted  without  even  a  division  of 
the  House  !  At  the  next  session,  the  impatience 
of  the  slaveholders  to  know  if  Great  Britain  would 
restore  their  slaves  who  had  taken  refuge  in 
Canada,  could  brook  no  longer  delay,  and  the 
House  called  on  the  President  to  inform  them 
of  the  result  of  the  negotiation.  The  President 
immediately  submitted  a  mass  of  documents  to  the 
House,  from  which  it  appeared  that  the  zeal  of 
the  Executive,  in  behalf  of  "  the  peculiar  institu- 
tion," had  anticipated  the  wishes  of  the  Legislature. 
Two  years  before  the  interference  of  the  House, 
viz  :  on  the  19th  of  June,  1826,  Mr.  Clay,  Secre- 
tary of  State,  had  instructed  Mr.  Gallatin,  Amer- 
ican Minister,  in  London  to  propose  a  stipulation 
for  "  a  mutual  surrender  of  all  persons  held  to 


FUGITIVES   IN    CANADA.  49 

service  or  labour  under  the  laws  of  either  party 
who  escape  into  the  territories  of  the  other."  Mr. 
Clay  dwelt  on  the  number  of  fugitives  in  Canada, 
and  desired  Mr.  Gallatin  to  press  on  the  British 
Government  the  consideration  that  such  a  stipula- 
tion, would  secure  to  the  West  India  planters  the 
recovery  of  such  of  their  slaves  as  might  take  re- 
fuge in  the  American  Republic  ! 

Surely  the  Federal  Government  was  never  in- 
tended by  its  founders  to  act  the  part  of  kidnapper 
for  West  India  slaveholders. 

On  the  24th  of  February,  1827,  Mr.  Clay  again 
urged  Mr.  Gallatin  to  procure  this  stipulation,  and 
informed  him  that  a  treaty  had  just  been  conclu- 
ded with  Mexico,  by  which  that  power  had  engaged 
to  restore  our  runaway  slaves.* 

On  the  5th  July,  1827,  Mr.  Gallatin  communi- 
cated to  his  government  the  answer  of  the  British 
Minister,  that  "  it  was  utterly  impossible  for  them 
to  agre^  to  a  stipulation  for  the  surrender  of  fugi- 
tive slaves." 

Determined  not  to  take  NO  for  an  answer,  Mr. 
Clay  desired  Mr.  Barbour,  our  then  Minister  in 
England,  to  renew  the  negotiation,  inasmuch  as 
the  escape  of  slaves  into  Canada  is  "a  growing 

*  Such  a  treaty  was  negotiated,  but  the  Mexican  Congress  re- 
fused to  ratify  the  base  compact 
5 


50  FUGITIVES   IN   FLORIDA. 

evil ;"  but  alas !  Mr.  Barbour  replied  that  on 
broaching  the  subject  to  the  British  Minister,  he 
had  informed  him  "  the  law  of  Parliament  gave 
freedom  to  every  slave  who  effected  his  landing  on 
British  ground"*  To  have  attempted  to  march 
an  army  into  Canada,  for  the  purpose  of  seizing 
these  fugitives,  would  have  cost  rather  more  than 
they  were  worth.  There  was,  however,  a  territory 
on  our  southern  frontier,  belonging  to  a  power  less 
able  than  Great  Britain  to  punish  aggressions  on 
her  sovereignty,  and  hence  it  is  that  we  are  called 
to  consider 

THE  INVASION  OF  FLORIDA,  AND  DESTRUCTION  OF 
FUGITIVE  SLAVES  BY  THE  FORCES  OF  THE  FED- 
ERAL GOVERNMENT. 

On  the  15th  March,  1816,  Mr.  Crawford,  Sec- 
retary of  War,  addressed  a  letter  to  General  Jack- 
son, informing  him  that  there  was  a  fort  in  Florida, 
occupied  by  between  250  and  300  blacks,  and 
that  they  and  the  hostile  Creek  Indians  were 
guilty  of  secret  practices  to  inveigle  negroes  from 
the  frontiers  of  Georgia,  and  directing  him  to 
call  the  attention  of  the  Commandant  at  Pensacola 
to  the  subject.  The  Secretary  added,  that  should 

*  State  papers,  2  Sess.  20th  Cong.  Vol.  I. 


FUGITIVES    IN    FLORIDA.  51 

the  Commandant  decline  interfering,  and  should 
it  be  determined  that  the  destruction  of  the  negro 
fort  does  not  require  the  sanction  of  Congress, 
means  will  be  promptly  taken  for  its  reduction. 

Gen.  Jackson,  however  had,  before  the  receipt 
of  this  despatch,  "  assumed  the  responsibility"  of 
sending  his  orders  respecting  this  very  fort  to 
Gen.  Gaines.  "If  the  fort  harbours  the  negroes  of 
our  citizens,  or  of  friendly  Indians  living  within  our 
territory,  or  holds  out  inducements  to  the  slaves 
of  our  citizens  to  desert  from  their  owner's  service, 
it  must  be  destroyed.  —  Notify  the  governor  of 
Pensacola  of  your  advance  into  his  territory,  and 
for  the  express  purpose  of  destroying  these,  lawless 
banditti"  The  letter  concludes  with  directions 
to  "restore  the  stolen  negroes  to  their  rightful 
owners."  (Letter  of  8th  April,  1816.) 

Owing  to  some  cause  not  explained,  Gen.  Gaines 
did  not  fulfil  his  instructions ;  and  a  gun  boat  was 
sent  up  the  Appalachicola  river  by  order  of  Com- 
modore Patterson,  and  on  the  27th  July  attacked 
the  fort  by  firing  red-hot  shot  at  it.  A  shot 
entered  the  magazine  which  exploded.  The  re- 
sult is  thus  stated  in  the  official  report :  "  Three 
hundred  negroes,  men,  women  and  children,  and 
about  20  Indians,  were  in  the  fort ;  of  these,  270 


52  FUGITIVES   IN   FLORIDA. 

were  killed,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  rest  mor- 
tally wounded." 

Commodore  Patterson,  in  his  letter  to  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy,  observes :  "  The  service  ren- 
dered by  the  destruction  of  this  fort,  and  the  band 
of  negroes  who  held  it  and  the  country  in  its 
vicinity,  is  of  great  and  manifest  importance  to 
the  United  States,  and  particularly  those  States 
bordering  on  the  Creek  nation,  as  it  had  become 
a  general  rendezvous  for  runaway  slaves  and 
disaffected  Indians  —  an  asylum  where  they  found 
arms  and  ammunition  to  protect  themselves  against 
their  owners  and  the  government.  This  hold 
being  destroyed,  they  have  no  longer  a  place  to 
fly  to,  and  will  not  be  so  liable  to  abscond.  The 
force  of  the  negroes  was  daily  increasing,  and 
they  had  commenced  several  plantations  on  the 
banks  of  the  Appalachicola."* 

Various  plantations  have  also  been  commenced 
in  Canada  by  fugitive  slaves,  but  being  under  the 
protection  of  Great  Britain,  and  not  of  Spain,  the 
Federal  Government  has  wisely  abstained  from 
any  forcible  attempt  to  destroy  them. 

It  is  now  time  to  advert  to  one  of  the  most 
extraordinary  exploits  of  American  diplomacy,  viz : 

*  State  papers.    2  Sess.  15th  Cong.  No.  65. 


FUGITIVES    PAID    FOR.  53 


COMPENSATION    FOR   FUGITIVE    SLAVES,   OBTAINED 
BY  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT. 

The  presence  of  British  armed  vessels  in  our 
southern  waters,  during  the  last  war,  afforded  an 
opportunity  to  many  of  the  slaves  to  escape  from 
bondage.  In  1814,  and  while  the  war  was  raging 
in  all  its  fury,  commissioners  were  appointed  to 
treat  of  peace,  and  instructions  were  given  to  them 
as  to  the  stipulations  to  be  insertedjn  the  treaty. 
These  instructions  contain  the  following  remarka- 
ble passage.  "  The  negroes  taken  from  the  south- 
ern States  should  be  returned  to  their  owners,  or 
paid  for  at  their  full  value.  If  these  slaves  were 
considered  as  non-combatants,  they  ought  to  be 
restored :  if  as  property,  they  ought  to  be  paid 
for."  Moreover,  this  stipulation  is  expressly  in- 
cluded "  in  the  conditions  on  which  you  are  to 
insist  in  the  proposed  negotiations."  —  Letter  of 
instructions  from  Mr,  Monroe,  Sec'y  of  State,  28th 
January,  1814.* 

Thus  we  see  that  not  even  the  calamities  of 
war,  could  divert  the  attention  of  the  Federal 
Government  form  the  peculiar  interests  of  the 
slaveholders.  The  commissioners  were  faithful 

*  American  State  papers.  Vol.  IX.  p.  364. 

" 


54  NEGOTIATION    FOR    PAYMENT 


to  the  charge  thus  given  to  them  ;  and  in  the 
treaty  concluded  at  Ghent,  adroitly  provided  for 
the  restoration  of  slaves ;  and  in  such  obscure 
terms  as  ultimately  secured  a  far  more  extensive 
concession  than  the  British  negotiators  had  any 
intention  of  making. 

The  1st  Article  is  as  follows :  "  All  territory, 
places  and  possessions  whatever,  taken  from  either 
party,  by  the  other  during  the  war,  or  which  may 
be  taken  after  the  signing  of  this  treaty,  shall  be 
restored  without  delay ;  and  without  causing  any 
destruction  or  carrying  away  of  the  artillery  or 
other  public  property  originally  captured  in  said 
forts  or  places,  and  which  shall  remain  upon  the 
exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  this  treaty,  or  any 
slaves  or  other  private  property." 

The  treaty  was  ratified  at  Washington  on  the 
17th  February ;  and  six  days  after,  three  commis- 
sioners appointed  by  the  government  appeared  in 
the  Chesapeake,  authorized  to  demand  and  receive 
the  slaves  on  board  the  British  squadron  still  in 
our  waters. 

Captain  John  Clare  lie  happened  to  be  at  the 
moment  in  command  of  the  British  forces,  and  he 
positively  refused  to  give  up  a  single  fugitive  ; 
contending  that  the  stipulation  in  the  treaty  rela- 
ted only  to  slaves  "  originally  captured  in  forts  or 


OF    FUGITIVE    SLAVES.  55 

places,"  and  remaining  in  such  forts  or  places  at 
the  exchange  of  the  ratifications,  and  had  no  re- 
ference to  slaves  who  had  voluntarily  sought  pro- 
tection on  board  British  vessels. 

A  few  days  after,  Admiral  Cockburn  arrived, 
and  a  similar  demand  was  made  upon  him.  He 
also  refused  to  surrender  any  fugitives,  as  such 
were  not  intended  in  the  treaty,  but  gave  up  80 
slaves  which  we;e  found  on  Cumberland  Island 
at  the  time  that  place  was  captured,  and  who  had 
not  been  removed  previous  to  the  exchange  of 
ratifications  ;  this  being  a  case  directly  within  the 
true  meaning  and  intention  of  the  treaty.  The 
Secretary  of  State  then  applied  to  the  British 
Charge  d'Affaires  at  Washington,  requesting  him 
to  direct  the  Naval  Commanders  in  the  Chesa- 
peake to  give  up  the  fugitives  on  board  their  ves- 
sels ;  but  Mr.  Baker  declined  interfering,  taking 
the  same  view  of  the  article  as  the  Admiral  had 
done.  In  the  meantime,  the  squadron  had  sailed 
for  Bermuda.  The  Government,  tracking  the 
scent  of  a  fugitive  with  blood-hound  keenness, 
forthwith  despatched  an  agent  to  Bermuda  in 
pursuit,  to  demand  the  negroes  of  the  Governor. 
The  worthy  Englishman,  nettled  at  a  requisition 
so  derogatory  to  the  honour  of  his  country,  repli- 
ed, "  he  would  rather  Bermuda,  with  every  man, 


50  NEGOTIATION  FOR  PAYMENT 

woman,  and  child  in  it,  were  sunk  under  the  sea, 
than  surrender  one  slave  that  had  sought  protec- 
tion under  the  flag  of  England." 

The  Agent,  (Thomas  Spalding)  nothing  daunt- 
ed, now  assumed  the  diplomatist,  and  addressed 
a  long  argumentative  despatch  to  Admiral  Grif- 
fith, commanding  on  the  Bermuda  Station,  de- 
manding the  fugitives,  and  promising  to  furnish 
him  with  a  particular  list  of  the  slaves  claimed, 
which  he  expected  to  receive  in  a  few  days  from 
the  United  States.  The  Admiral  very  cavalierly 
assured  Mr.  Spalding  that  it  was  quite  unneces- 
sary for  him  to  wait  at  Bermuda  for  the  expected 
document,  since  there  was,  neither  at  Bermuda 
nor  any  other  British  island  or  settlement,  any 
authority  "  competent  to  deliver  up  persons  who 
during  the  late  wars,  had  placed  themselves  un- 
der the  protection  of  the  British  flag."* 

From  British  Governors  and  Admirals,  our  Go- 
vernment now  turned  to  the  British  Cabinet,  and 
found  that  there  also  it  was  held  a  point  of  hon- 
our to  keep  faith,  even  with  runaway  slaves. 
Lord  Castlereagh  declared  that  the  Government 
never  would  have  assented  to  a  treaty  requiring 
the  surrender  of  persons  who  had  taken  refuge 

*  State  papers— 14th  Cong.  2d  Sess.  — Senate  documents, 
No.  82. 


OF  FUGITIVE  SLAVES.  57 

under  the  British  Standard.  Again  was  the  de- 
mand made,  and  again  was  it  unequivocably  re- 
jected. But  the  administration  refused  to  yield, 
and  insisted  on  a  reference  of  the  question  to  the 
decision  of  a  friendly  power,  and  named  the  Em- 
peror of  Russia  as  umpire.  After  tedious  nego- 
ciation,  this  point  was  carried  ;  and  in  1818,  a 
convention  was  concluded  at  London,  submitting 
the  true  construction  of  the  treaty  to  the  Empe- 
ror, who  decided  in  favour  of  the  slaveholders.  It 
now  became  necessary  to  determine  how  the 
number  of  the  slaves,  and  their  value,  should  be 
ascertained.  Another  negotiation  ensued,  which 
resulted  in  a  second  convention,  by  which  it  was 
agreed  that  each  party  should  appoint  a  certain 
number  of  Commissioners,  who  should  form  a 
Board  to  sit  at  Washington,  to  receive  and  liqui- 
date the  claims  of  the  masters.  But  difficulties 
soon  arose.  The  American  Commissioners  insisted 
on  interest,  which  the  others  refused  to  allow. 
Negotiations  again  commenced,  till  at  last  the 
British  Cabinet,  wearied  with  the  pertinacity  of 
the  American  Government,  and  sick  of  the  con- 
troversy, entered  into  a  third  convention,  (13th 
flov.  1836)  by  which  the  enormous  sum  of  ONE 

MILLION  TWO  HUNDRED  AND  FOUR  THOUSAND  DOL- 
LARS was  paid  and  received  in  full  of  all  demands. 


58  DEMAND    OF  PAYMENT 

Thus  after  a  persevering  negotiation,  conduct- 
ed for  twelve  years,  at  Washington,  in  the  Chesa- 
peake Bay,  at  Bermuda,  at  London,  and  at  Pe- 
tersburgh,  did  our  Government  succeed  in  obtain- 
ing most  ample  compensation  for  the  fugitives. 
Commissioners  were  then  appointed  to  distribute 
this  sum ;  and  after  fixing  an  average  value  on 
each  slave  proved  to  have  been  carried  away,  it 
was  found  that  a  surplus  still  remained ;  and  this 
surplus  was  divided  among  the  masters  ! 

Having  now  seen  the  success  that  attended  the 
pursuit  of  fugitive  slaves,  let  us  next  witness  the 

EFFORTS  OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT  TO  RECO- 
VER SHIPWRECKED  SLAVES. 

Considering  the  extent  of  the  American  slave- 
trade,  it  is  not  surprising  that  our  SLAVES  are  oc- 
casionally driven  out  of  their  course ;  and  are 
sometimes  wrecked  upon  the  dangerous  reefs 
abounding  in  the  neighbouring  Archipelago. 

On  the  3d  Jan.  1831,  the  Brig  Comet,  a  regular 
slaver  from  the  District  of  Columbia,  on  her  usual 
voyage  from  Alexandria  to  New-Orleans,  with  a 
cargo  of  164  slaves,  was  lost  off  the  Island  of 
Abaco.  The  slaves  were  saved,  and  carried  into 
New-Providence,  where  they  were  set  at  liberty 


FOR  SHIPWRECKED  SLAVES.  59 

by  the  authorities  of  the  Island.  A  portion  of 
the  cargo,  (146  head)  was  insured  at  New-Or- 
leans for  871,330. 

On  the  4th  Feb.  1833,  the  Brig  Encomium? 
from  Charleston  to  New-Orleans  with  45  slaves, 
was  also  wrecked  near  Abaco,  and  the  slaves  car- 
ried into  New-Providence,  where,  like  their  prede- 
cessors, they  were  declared  to  be  free. 

In  Feb.  1835,  the  Enterprise,  another  regular  sla- 
ver from  the  National  Domain,  on  her  voyage  to 
Charleston,  with  78  slaves,  was  driven  into  Bermu- 
da in  distress.  The  passengers,  instead  of  being 
thrown  into  prison  as  Bermudians  would  have  been 
in  Charleston  under  similar  circumstances,  were 
hospitably  treated,  and  permitted  to  go  at  large. 
These  successive  and  unexpected  transmutations 
of  slaves  into  freemen,  roused  the  ready  zeal  of 
the  Federal  Government.  Directly  on  the  loss 
of  the  Comet,  instructions  were  sent  from  Wash- 
ington  to  our  Minister,  to  demand  of  the  British 
Government  the  value  of  the  cargo.  In  1832» 
another  despatch  was  forwarded  on  the  subject. 
The  instructions  were  again  renewed  in  1833 . 
the  Secretary  of  State  remarking,  this  case  "  must 
be  brought  to  a  conclusion  —  the  doctrine  that 
would  justify  the  liberation  of  our  slaves,  is  too 


60  DEMAND  OF   PAYMENT 

dangerous  to  a  large  section  of  our  country  to  be 
tolerated." 

In  1834,  fresh  instructions  were  sent,  and  a  de- 
mand ordered  to  be  made  for  the  value  of  the 
slaves  in  the  Encomium. 

In  1835,  similar  instructions  were  sent  relative 
to  the  Enterprise. 

In  1836,  the  instructions  were  renewed ;  the 
Secretary  observing  to  Mr.  Stevenson,  "In  the 
present  state  of  our  diplomatic  relations  with  the 
Government  of  His  Britanic  Majesty,  the  most  im- 
mediately pressing  of  the  matters  with  which  the 
United  States'  Legation  at  London  is  now  charg- 
ed, is  the  claim  of  certain  American  citizens 
against  Great  Britain  for  a  number  of  slaves,  the 
CARGOES  of  three  vessels  wrecked  in  British  Isl- 
ands in  the  Atlantic." 

Thus  for  six  successive  years  did  the  Cabinet 
at  Washington  keep  sending  despatches  to  their 
agents  in  England,  urging  them  to  obtain  payment 
from  Great  Britain  for  these  cargoes  of  human 
flesh.  Nor  were  those  agents  remiss  or  reluctant 
in  fulfilling  their  instructions.  Numerous  were 
the  letters  addressed  to  the  British  Secretary, 
claiming  either  the  restoration  of  the  slaves,  or 
their  equivalent  in  money. 

From  a  long  and  laboured  communication  from 


FOR  SHIPWRECKED  SLAVES.  61 

Mr.  Stevenson  to  Lord  Palmerston,  we  extract 
the  following  morceau. 

"The  undersigned  feels  assured  that  it  will 
only  be  necessary  to  refer  Lord  Palmerston  to 
the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  laws  of  many  of  the  States,  to 
satisfy  him  «f  the  existence  of  slavery,  and  that 
slaves  are  there  regarded  and  protected  as  prop- 
erty :  that  by  these  laws,  there  is  in  fact  no  dis- 
tinction in  principle  between  property  in  persons 
and  property  in  things ;  and  that  the  Government 
have  more  than  once,  in  the  most  solemn  manner, 
determined  that  slaves  killed  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  even  in  a  state  of  war,  were  to  be 
regarded  as  property,  and  not  as  persons ;  and 
the  Government  held  responsible  for  their  value" 

No  answer  having  been  vouchsafed  to  this  let- 
ter, and  the  argument  being  exhausted,  Mr.  Ste- 
venson tried  the  virtue  of  a  diplomatic  hint  that 
the  United  States  would  go  to  war  for  their 
slaves ;  expressing  his  hope  in  a  letter  to  Lord 
Palmerston,  that  the  British  Government  would 
"  not  longer  consent  to  postpone  the  decision  of  a 
subject  which  had  been  for  so  many  years  under 
its  consideration  ;  and  the  effect  of  which  can  be 
none  other  than  to  throw  not  only  additional  im- 
pediments in  the  way  of  an  adjustment,  and  in- 
6 


62  SHIPWRECKED  SLAVES. 

crease  those  feelings  of  dissatisfaction  and  irrita- 
tion which  have  already  been  excited ;  but  by 
possibility  tend  to  disturb  and  weaken  the  kind  and 
amicable  relations  which  now  so  happily  subsist 
between  the  two  countries,  and  on  the  preservation 
of  which,  so  essentially  depend  the  interests  and 
happiness  of  both" —  (Letter  of  31st  December, 
1836.) 

How  this  hint  was  received  we  are  not  inform- 
ed ;  but  it  is  certainly  not  creditable  to  the  Brit- 
ish Government,  that  instead  of  a  prompt  and 
frank  refusal  to  deliver  into  cruel  and  perpetual 
bondage,  innocent  men  who  had  providentially 
been  thrown  under  its  protection,  or  to  estimate 
their  value  in  pounds,  shillings,  and  pence,  it  had, 
at  our  last  accounts,  avoided  giving  a  decided  an- 
swer to  the  demands  of  the  Washington  Cabinet, 
under  pretence  of  taking  the  opinion  of  the  law 
officers  of  the  crown. 

The  negotiation  was  made  public  in  conse- 
quence of  a  call  by  the  Senate  on  the  President 
(7th  Feb.  1837)  for  a  copy  of  the  "Correspon- 
dence with  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  in 
relation  to  the  outrage  committed  on  our  flag> 
and  the  rights  of  our  citizens,  by  the  authorities 
of  Bermuda  and  New-Providence,  in  seizing  the 
slaves  on  board  the  Brig  'Encomium'  and  'En- 


AMERICAN  SLAVE   TRADE.  63 

tcrprise,'  engaged  in  the  coasting  trade,  but  which 
were  forced  by  shipwreck  and  stress  of  weather 
into  the  ports  of  those  Islands." 

The  language  of  this  resolution,  indicates  the 
influence  exerted  by  slavery  over  the  Federal 
Government.  Should  a  murderer  escape  from 
England  and  land  on  our  shores,  we  refuse  to 
surrender  him  to  the  justice  of  his  country ;  but 
when  the  West  India  authorities  refuse  to  deliver 
two  hundred  and  eighty-seven  innocent  men,  wo- 
men, and  children,  thrown  by  the  tempest  under 
their  protection,  into  hopeless  interminable  slavery, 
the  Senate  solemnly  pronounce  the  refusal  to  be 
an  outrage  on  our  flag,  and  the  rights  of  our  citi- 
zens. Moreover,  the  liberation  of  these  persons  is 
spoken  of  as  a  seizure  of  them,  and  the  slavers 
carrying  human  cargoes  to  market,  are  most  au- 
daciously declared  to  have  been  engaged  in  the 
coasting  trade !  The  real  trade  in  which  these 
vessels  were  engaged,  was 

THE  AMERICAN  SLAVE  TRADE  UNDER  THE  PRO- 
TECTION   AND    REGULATION    OF    THE    FEDERAL 

GOVERNMENT. 

We  shall  first  exhibit  the  character  arjtkextent 
of  this  trade,  and  then  show  that  it  is  in  fact  car- 


64  AMERICAN    SLAVE    TRADE. 

ried  on  under  the  protection  and  regulation  of  the 
Federal  Government. 

The  competition  of  free  with  slave  labour  in 
the  bread  stuffs  and  some  other  productions  of 
Maryland,  Virginia,  and  North  Carolina,  have 
greatly  reduced  the  value  of  slaves  as  labourers 
in  those  States ;  and  hence  the  disposition  mani- 
fested there  some  years  since,  to  get  rid  of  this 
unprofitable  portion  of  their  population.  But  the 
rapid  extension  of  the  cotton  and  sugar  cultivation 
in  the  extreme  South,  together  with  the  settle- 
ment of  the  new  States  of  Alabama,  Mississippi* 
Missouri,  and  Arkansas,  occasioned  a  prodigious 
demand  for  slaves ;  and  the  agriculturists  of  Vir- 
ginia and  the  neighbouring  States  discovered  that 
their  most  lucrative  occupation  was  that  of  raising 
live  stock  for  the  southern  and  western  markets. 
In  Georgia  and  South  Carolina,  it  has  also  been 
found  more  advantageous  to  export  their  supernu- 
meraries to  Mobile,  New-Orleans,  or  Natchez,  than 
to  employ  them  on  their  already  well-stocked 
plantations.  Hence  has  grown  up  an  almost  in- 
credible transfer  of  slaves  from  the  North  to  the 
South ;  and  recently  a  new  market  has  been 
opened  in  Texas,  giving  an  additional  stimulus  to 
the  trade.  It  is  impossible  to  ascertain  the  exact 
amount  of  this  trade,  as  the  Secretary  of  the 


AMERICAN   SLAVE   TRADE.  65 

Treasury  in  his  annual  report  on  the  commercial 
statistics  of  the  United  States,  has  never  included 
any  statements  respecting  this  branch  of  the 
"coasting  trade."  But  indeed,  the  returns  from 
the  several  Custom-Houses  of  the  size  and  value 
of  the  human  cargoes  cleared  for  the  southern 
ports,  if  given,  would  afford  a  very  inadequate  idea 
of  the  extent  of  the  traffic,  since  it  is  carried  on 
by  land  as  well  as  by  sea.  Whole  coffles  of  chained 
slaves  are  driven  long  and  painful  journeys  in  the 
interior  of  the  Republic,  much  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  in  the  wilds  of  Africa.  The  Rev.  Mr. 
Dickey,  in  a  published  letter  thus  describes  a  coffle 
he  met  on  the  road  in  Kentucky : — "I  discovered 
about  forty  black  men  all  chained  together  in  the 
following  manner  :  each  of  them  was  handcuffed, 
and  they  were  arranged  in  rank  and  file  ;  a  chain 
perhaps  forty  feet  long  was  stretched  between 
two  ranks,  to  which  short  chains  were  joined, 
which  connected  with  the  handcuffs.  Behind 
them  were,  I  suppose,  thirty  women  in  double  rank> 
the  couples  tied  hand  to  hand." 

J.  K.  PAULDING,  the  present  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  gives  the  following  picture  of  a  scene  he 
witnessed  in  Virginia : 

"The  sun  was  shining  out  very  hot,  and  in 
turning  an  angle  of  the  road  we  encountered  the 
6* 


66  AMERICAN    SLAVE    TRADE. 

following  group  :  first,  a  little  cart  drawn  by  one 
horse,  in  which  five  or  six  half  naked  black  chil- 
dren were  tumbled  like  pigs  together.  The  cart 
had  no  covering,  and  they  seemed  to  have  been 
actually  broiled  to  sleep.  Behind  the  cart  marched 
three  black  women,  with  head,  neck  and  breasts, 
uncovered,  and  without  shoes  or  stockings  ;  next 
came  three  men,  bareheaded,  half  naked,  and 
chained  together  with  an  ox  chain.  Last  of  all 
came  a  white  man  —  a  white  man,  Frank  !  —  on 
horseback,  carrying  pistols  in  his  belt,  and  who, 
as  we  passed  him,  had  the  impudence  to  look  us 
in  the  face  without  blushing.  I  should  like  to 
have  seen  him  hunted  by  blood-hounds.  At  a 
house  where  we  stopped  a  little  further  on,  we 
learned  that  he  had  bought  these  miserable  beings 
in  Maryland,  and  was  marching  them  in  this  man- 
ner to  some  of  the  more  southern  States.  Shame 
on  the  State  of  Maryland  !  I  say  —  and  shame  on 
the  State  of  Virginia  !  and  every  State  through 
which  this  wretched  cavalcade  was  permitted  to 
pass.  Do  they  expect  that  such  exhibitions  will 
not  dishonour  them  in  the  eyes  of  strangers,  how- 
ever they  may  be  reconciled  to  them  by  education 
and  habit?"* 

*  "  Letters  from  the  South,  written  during  an  excursion  in  the 
Summer  of  1816."    New- York,  1817.    Vol.1.  Letter  XL  p.  117. 


AMERICAN    SLAVE    TRADE.  67 

As  we  are  about  to  enter  into  particulars  re- 
specting the  American  slave  trade,  it  may  not  be 
uninteresting  to  inquire  who  are  its  victims  ? 
They  are  native-born  Americans.  But  of  what 
colour  and  descent?  This  will  no  doubt  be  deemed 

It  may  be  thought  by  some  that  the  elevation  to  a  seat  in  the 
Cabinet,  of  a  gentleman  who  expresses  himself  with  so  much 
warmth  and  fearlessness  against  one  of  the  "peculiar  institutions 
of  the  South,"  militates  against  our  idea  that  the  influence  of  the 
Federal  Government  is  exerted  in  behalf  of  slavery.  Singular  as 
it  may  appear,  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Paulding  is  nevertheless 
strongly  corroborative  of  the  opinion  we  have  advanced  ;  and  the 
explanation  is  at  once  easy  and  amusing.  The  "  Letters  from 
the  South'"  were  reprinted  in  1835,  and  form  the  fifth  and  sixth 
volumes  of  an  edition  of  "  Paulding's  Works."  The  letter  from 
which  we  have  quoted  consists  of  fourteen  pages,  devoted  to  the 
subject  of  slavery.  On  turning  to  the  corresponding  letter  in  the 
recent  edition  we  find  it  shrunk  to  three  pages,  containing  no  allu- 
sion to  the  internal  trade,  nor  any  thing  else  that  could  offend  the 
most  sensitive  Southerner.  In  the  nineteenth  letter  as  printed  in 
1817,  there  is  not  a  word  about  slavery.  In  the  same  letter  as 
published  in  1835,  we  meet  with  the  following  most  wonderful 
prediction;  a  prediction  that  has  lately  been  cited  in  the  newspa- 
pers as  a  proof  of  the  sagacity  and  foresight  of  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy :  — 

"  The  second  cause  of  disunion  will  be  found  in  the  slave  pop- 
ulation of  the  South,  whenever  the  misguided,  or  wilfully  malig- 
nant zeal  of  the  advocates  of  emancipation,  shall  institute  as  it  one 
day  doubtless  will,  a  crusade  against  the  constitutional  rights  of 
the  slave  owners,  by  sending  among  them  fanatical  agents  and 
fanatical  tracts,  calculated  to  render  the  slaves  disaffected,  and 
the  situation  of  the  master  and  his  family  dangerous  ;  when  ap- 


68  AMERICAN    SLAVE    TRADE. 

by  many  a  very  unnecessary  question ;  and  no 
little  indignation  will  probably  be  excited  when 
we  answer  that  large  numbers  of  these  victims 
are  white  men  and  women,  and  the  children  of 
American  citizens. 

peals  shall  be  made  under  the  sanction  of  religion  to  the  passions 
of  these  ignorant  and  excited  blacks,  calculated  and  intended  to 
rouse  their  worst  and  most  dangerous  passions,  and  to  place  the 
very  lives  of  their  masters,  their  wives,  and  their  children,  in  the 
deepest  peril ;  when  societies  are  formed  in  the  sister  States  for  the 
avowed  purpose  of  virtually  destroying  the  value  of  this  principa* 
item  in  the  property  of  a  southern  planter ;  when  it  becomes  a 
question  mooted  in  the  legislatures  of  the  States,  or  of  the  gene- 
ral government,  whether  the  rights  of  the  master  over  his  slave 
shall  be  any  longer  recognized  or  maintained,  and  when  it  is  at 
last  evident  that  nothing  will  preserve  them  but  secession,  then 
will  certain  of  the  Stars  of  our  beautiful  constellation '  start  madly 
from  their  spheres  and  jostle  the  others  in  their  wild  career.' " 

In  the  title  of  the  new  edition,  the  date  of  the  "  excursion"  is 
modestly  omitted,  but  the  reader  is  not  informed  that  the  spirit  of 
prophecy  descended  upon  the  writer,  not  while  journeying  at  the 
South,  but  while  witnessing  in  New- York  the  operations  of  the 
predicted  societies,  and  after  the  city  had  been  convulsed  by  the 
abolition  riots. 

In  1836,  Mr.  Paulding  published  his  "  Slavery  in  the  United 
States."  In  this  work  both  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament  are 
made  to  give  their  sanction  to  slavery.  Great  Britain,  in  abolish- 
ing slavery  in  the  West  Indies,  is  charged  with  having  "committed 
robbery  under  cover  of  humanity." — (p.  51.)  "A  community 
of  free  blacks  rising  among  the  ruins  of  States,  lords  of  the  soil, 
smoking  with  the  habitations  and  blood  of  their  exterminated 
masters  and  families,"  would  we  are  assured  be  only  fulfilling  "  the 


WHITE    SLAVES.  69 

People  at  the  North  are  disposed  to  be  incred- 
ulous, when  they  hear  of  white  slaves  at  the 
South  ;  and  yet  a  little  reflection  would  convince 
them  not  only  that  there  must  be  such  slaves  un- 
der the  present  system,  but  that  in  process  of 
time,  a  large  proportion  of  the  slaves  will  be  as 
white  as  their  masters.  Were  there  no  other 
sources  of  information  respecting  the  complexions 
of  the  southern  slaves,  the  newspaper  notices  of 
runaways  would  most  abundantly  confirm  our  as- 
sertion. Of  these  notices,  we  give  the  following 
as  samples. 

"f  100  Reward.  —  The  above  reward  will  be 
paid  for  the  apprehension  of  my  man  William. 

wishes"  of  the  abolitionists. — (p.  56.)  The  advocates  of  immedi- 
ate emancipation  recommend  it  as  asserted,  "indiscriminate  mar- 
riages between  the  whites  and  blacks :" — (p.  61.)  and  well  educated 
respectable  females  amongst  them  are  apparently  anxious  "  to  be- 
come the  mothers  of  mulattoes."  —  (p.  62.)  Slavery  we  are  told  "  is 
becoming  gradually  divested  of  all  its  harsh  features,  and  is  now 
only  the  bugbear  of  the  imagination  :"  —  (p.  26.)  and  Mr.  Paulding 
affirms — "  In  a  residence  of  several  years  within  the  District,  and 
a  pretty  extensive  course  of  travel  in  some  of  the  southern  States, 
(the  excursion  in  the  summer  of  1816,  we  suppose,)  we  never  saw 
or  heard  of  any  such  instances  of  cruelty.  —  We  saw  no  chains,  (!) 
and  heard  no  stripes." —  (p.  168.) 

We  trust  our  readers  are  now  fully  convinced  of  this  gentle- 
man's qualifications  for  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  of 
Mr.  Van  Buren's  consistency  in  appointing  him. 


70  AMERICAN   SLAVE  TRADE. 

He  is  a  very  bright  mulatto  —  straight  yellowish 
hair.  I  have  no  doubt  he  will  change  his  name, 
and  try  to  pass  himself  for  a  WHITE  MAN, 
which  he  may  be  able  to  do,  unless  to  a  close  ob- 
server. T.  S.  PlCHARD." 

August  9. 

"$100  Reward.  —  Ranaway  from  James  Hy- 
hart,  Paris,  Kentucky,  on  the  29th  June  last,  the 
mulatto  boy  Norton,  about  fifteen  years,  a  very 
bright  mulatto,  and  would  be  taken  for  a  WHITE 
BOY,  if  not  closely  examined.  His  hair  is  black 
and  straight,  &c.  — New-Orleans  True  American, 
llth  August,  1836." 

"$100  Reward  —  Will  be  given  for  the  appre- 
hension of  my  negro  (!)  Edmund  Kenney.  He 
has  straight  hair,  and  complexion  so  nearly 
WHITE,  that  it  is  believed  a  stranger  would 
suppose  there  was  no  African  blood  in  him.  He 
was  with  my  boy  Dick  a  short  time  since  in  Nor- 
folk, and  offered  him  for  sale,  and  was  appre- 
hended, but  escaped  under  pretence  of  being  a 
WHITE  MAN. 

ANDERSON  BOWLES. 

Richmond  Whig,  6th  January,  1836." 

"$50  Reward  will  be  given  for  the  apprehension 
and  delivery  to  me  of  the  following  slaves :  S  am- 


WHITE  SLAVES.  71 

uel,  and  Judy  his  wife,  with  their  four  children,  be- 
longing to  the  estate  of  S acker  Dubberly,  dec'd. 

I  will  give  $10  for  the  apprehension  of  William 
Dubberly,  a  slave  belonging  to  the  estate.  Wil- 
liam is  about  19  years  old,  QUITE  WHITE, 
and  would  not  readily  be  mistaken  for  a  slave. 

JOHN  T.  LANE. 

Newbern  Spectator,  13th  March,  1837." 

"$100  Reward.  —  Ranaway  from  the  subscri- 
ber, a  bright  mulatto  man  slave,  named  Sam. 
Light  sandy  hair,  blue  eyes,  ruddy  complexion — 
is  so  WHITE  as  very  easily  to  pass  for  a  free 
WHITE  MAN. 

EDWIN  PECK. 

Mobile,  April  22,  1837." 

"  $50  Reward.  —  I  will  give  the  above  reward 
of  fifty  dollars  for  the  apprehension  and  securing 
in  any  jail,  so  that  I  get  him  again,  or  delivering 
to  me  in  Dandridge,  E.  Tenn.  my  mulatto  boy 
named  Preston,  about  twenty  years  old.  It  is 
supposed  he  will  try  to  pass  as  a  free  WHITE 
MAN. 

JOHN  ROPEK. 

Oct.  12,  1838." 

"  Ranaway  from  the  subscriber,  working  on  the 
plantation  of  Col.  H.  Tinker,  a  bright  mulatto 


72  AMERICAN  SLAVE  TRADE. 

boy  named  Alfred.  Alfred  is  about  18  years  of 
age,  pretty  well  grown,  has  blue  eyes,  light  flaxen 
hair,  skin  disposed  to  freckle.  He  will  try  to  pass 
as  FREE  BORN. 

S.  G.  STEWART. 
Green  County,  Alabama." 

Mr.  Paxton,  a  Virginia  writer,  tells  us  in  his 
work  on  slavery,  that  "  the  best  blood  in  Virginia 
flows  in  the  veins  of  the  slaves." 

Dr.  Torrey,  in  his  work  on  domestic  slavery  in 
the  United  States,  p.  14,  says :  "While  at  a  pub- 
lic house  in  Fredericktown,  there  came  into  the 
bar-room  on  Sunday,  a  decently  dressed  white 
man,  of  quite  a  light  complexion,  in  company 
with  one  who  was  totally  black.  After  they  went 
away,  the  landlord  observed  that  the  white  man 
was  a  slave.  I  asked  him  with  some  surprise  how 
that  could  be  possible?  To  which  he  replied, 
that  he  was  a  descendant,  by  female  ancestry,  of 
an  African  slave.  He  also  stated  that  not  far 
from  Fredericktown,  there  was  a  slave  estate  on 
which  there  were  several  white  females,  as  of  fair 
and  elegant  appearance  as  white  ladies  in  gene- 
ral, held  in  legal  bondage  as  slaves  !  /" 

A  Missouri  paper,  reporting  the  trial  of  a  slave 
boy,  remarks  :  "  All  the  physiological  marks  of  dis- 


WHITE   SLAVES.  73 

tinction  which  characterize  the  African  descent, 
had  disappeared.  His  skin  was  fair,  his  hair  soft, 
straight,  fine  and  white,  his  eyes  blue,  but  rather 
disposed  to  the  hazel-nut  colour,  nose  prominent^ 
the  lips  small  and  well  formed,  forehead  high  and 
prominent." 

In  the  summer  of  1835,  a  slaveholder  from  Ma- 
ryland arrested  as  his  fugitive,  a  young  woman  in 
Philadelphia.  A  trial  ensued,  when  it  was  most 
conclusively  proved  that  the  alleged  slave,  Mary 
Gilmore,  was  the  child  of  poor  Irish  parents,  and 
had  not  a  drop  of  African  blood  in  her  veins. 

A  paper  printed  at  Louisville,  Ky.  the  "Em- 
porium," relates  a  circumstance  that  occurred  in 
that  city,  in  the  following  terms.  "  A  laudable 
indignation  was  universally  manifested  among  our 
citizens  on  Saturday  last,  by  the  exposure  of  a 
woman  and  two  children  for  sale  at  public  auc- 
tion, at  the  front  of  our  principal  tavern.  The 
woman  and  children  were  as  WHITE  as  any  of 
our  citizens ;  indeed,  we  scarcely  every  saw  a 
child  with  a  fairer  or  clearer  complexion  than 
the  younger  one."  —  Niles's  Register,  June,  1821. 

Mr.  Niles  tells  us  in  his  Register,  that  Mr.  Cal- 

houn,  the  late  Vice  President,  had  related  to  him 

the  case  of  a  man  "  placed  on  the  stand  for  sale 

as  a  slave,  whose  appearance  in  all  respects  gave 

7 


74  AMERICAN  SLAVE  TRADE. 

him  a  better  claim  to  the  character  of  a  WHITE 
MAN  than  most  persons  so  acknowledged  could 
show."  —  Register,  25th  Oct.  1834. 

We  will  now  attempt  to  give  the  reader  some 
idea  of  the  extent  of  the  trade  —  a  trade  in  which 
human  beings  of  every  shade,  from  the  purest 
white  to  the  deepest  black,  are  made  articles  of 
merchandise,  and  treated  with  cruelty  little  if  any 
less  than  that  which  has  made  the  African  slave- 
trade  the  execration  of  the  civilized  world. 

"  Dealing  in  slaves,"  says  the  Baltimore  Regis- 
ter, "  has  become  a  large  business  ;  establishments 
are  made  in  several  places  in  Maryland  and  Vir- 
ginia, at  which  they  are  sold  like  cattle  :  these 
places  of  deposit  are  strongly  built,  and  well  sup- 
plied with  iron  thumb-screws  and  gags,  and  or- 
namented with  cowskins  and  other  whips,  often- 
times bloody." 

The  advertisements  of  the  Baltimore  traders 
show  that  the  Maryland  Colonization  Society,  in 
their  endeavours  to  suppress  the  slave  trade,  may 
find  a  field  for  their  labours  less  distant  than  the 
Coast  of  Africa.  We  annex  some  samples. 

"Austin  Woodfolk  of  Baltimore,  wishes  to  in- 
form the  slaveholders  of  Maryland  and  Virginia, 
that  their  friend  still  lives  to  give  cash  and  the 
highest  price  for  negroes,"  &c. 


MARYLAND.  75 

"  General  Slave  Agency  Office. — Gentlemen 
planters  from  the  South  and  others  who  wish  to 
purchase  negroes,  would  do  well  to  give  me  a 
call.  LEWIS  SCOTT." 

"  Cash  for  two  hundred  Negroes.  —  The  high- 
est cash  prices  will  be  paid  for  negroes  of  both 
sexes,  by  application  to  me  or  my  agent  at 
Booth's  Garden.  HOPE  H.  SLATER." 

"  For  New-Orleans.  —  A  coppered,  copper-fas- 
tened packet-brig  Isaac  Franklin,  will  sail  on  the 
1st  Feb.  for  Baltimore.  Those  having  servants 
to  ship  will  do  well  by  making  early  application 
to  James  F.  Purvis,"  &c. 

Human  flesh  is  now  the  great  staple  of  Vir- 
ginia. In  the  Legislature  of  this  State  in  1832f 
THOMAS  JEFFERSON  RANDOLPH  declared  that  Vir- 
ginia had  been  converted  into  "one  grand  menage- 
rie, where  men  are  reared  for  the  market  like  oxen 
for  the  shambles"  This  same  gentleman  thus  com- 
pared the  foreign  with  the  domestic  traffic.  "  The 
trader  (African)  receives  the  slaves,  a  stranger  in 
aspect,  language,  and  manner,  from  the  merchant 
who  brought  him  from  the  interior.  But  here,  sir 
individuals  whom  the  master  has  known  from  in- 
fancy —  whom  he  has  seen  sporting  in  the  inno- 
cent gambols  of  childhood  —  who  have  been  ac- 


76  AMERICAN  SLAVE  TRADE. 

customed  to  look  to  him  for  protection,  he  tears 
from  the  mother's  arms,  and  sells  into  a  strange 
country,  among  a  strange  people,  subject  to  cruel 
taskmasters.  In  my  opinion  it  is  much  worse" 

Mr.  C.  F.  MERCER  asserted  in  the  Virginia 
Convention  of  1829,  "  The  tables  of  the  natural 
growth  of  the  slave  population  demonstrate,  when 
compared  with  the  increase  of  its  numbers  in  the 
Commonwealth  for  twenty  years  past,  that  an 
annual  revenue  of  not  less  than  a  million  and  a 
half  of  dollars  is  derived  from  the  exportation  of 
a  part  of  this  population."  —  Debates,  p.  99. 

Professor  E.  A.  Andrews  gives  a  conversation 
he  had  with  a  trader  on  board  a  steam-boat  on 
the  Potamac,  in  1835.  "In  selling  his  slaves, 

N assures  me  he  never  separates  families; 

but  that  in  purchasing  them  he  is  often  compelled 
to  do  so,  for  that  his  business  is  lo  purchase,  and 
he  must  take  such  as  are  in  the  market.  Do 
you  often  buy  the  wife  without  the  husband  ? 
Yes,  very  often ;  and  frequently,  too,  they  sell 
me  the  mother,  while  they  keep  the  children.  I 
have  often  known  them  take  away  the  infant  from 
the  mother's  breast,  and  keep  it,  while  they  sold  her. 
Children  from  one  to  eighteen  months  old,  are 
now  worth  about  one  hundred  dollars."* 

*  Slavery  and  the  domestic  slave  trade  in  the  United  States,  p. 
417. 


VIRGINIA.  77 

The  town  of  Petersburg  in  Virginia,  seems  to 
enjoy  a  large  share  of  this  commerce,  judging 
from  the  advertisements  of  its  merchants. 

"  Cash  for  Negroes.  —  The  subscribers  are  par- 
ticularly anxious  to  make  a  shipment  of  negroes 
shortly.     All  persons  who  have  slaves  to  part 
with,  will  do  well  to  call  as  soon  as  possible. 
OVERLY  &  SAUNDERS." 

"  The  subscriber  being  desirous  of  making  an- 
other shipment  by  the  Brig  Adelaide  to  New-Or- 
leans, on  the  first  of  March,  will  give  a  good  mar- 
ket price  for  fifty  negroes  from  ten  to  thirty  years 
old.  HENRY  DAVIS." 

"  The  subscriber  wishes  to  purchase  one  hun- 
dred slaves,  of  both  sexes,  from  the  age  of  ten  to 
thirty,  for  which  he  is  disposed  to  give  much 
higher  prices  than  have  heretofore  been  given. 
He  will  call  on  those  living  in  the  adjacent  coun- 
ties to  see  any  property. 

ANSLEY  DAVIS." 

But  of  all  the  Virginia  merchants,  Mr.  Collier 
of  Richmond,  seems  to  be  the  most  enterprising. 
We  give  extracts  from  his 

"Notice. — This  is  to  inform  my  former  ao 

7* 


78  AMERICAN  SLAVE  TRADE. 

quaintances,  and  the  public  generally,  that  I  yet 
continue  in  the  SLAVE  TRADE,  at  Richmond, 
Virginia,  and  will  at  all  times  buy  and  give  a 
fair  market  price  for  young  negroes.  Persons  in 
this  State,  Maryland,  or  North  Carolina,  wishing 
to  sell  lots  of  negroes,  are  particularly  requested 
to  forward  their  wishes  to  me  at  this  place.  Per- 
sons wishing  to  purchase  lots  of  negroes,  are  re- 
quested to  give  me  a  call,  as  I  keep  constantly 
on  hand  at  this  place,  a  great  many  for  sale  ;  and 
have  at  this  time  the  use  of  one  hundred  young 
negroes,  consisting  of  boys,  young  men,  and  girls. 
I  will  sell  at  all  times  at  a  small  advance  on  cost, 
to  suit  purchasers.  I  have  comfortable  rooms 
with  a  jail  attached,  for  the  reception  of  the  ne- 
groes ;  and  persons  coming  to  this  place  to  sell 
slaves,  can  be  accommodated,  and  every  attention 
necessary  will  be  given  to  have  them  well  attended 
to  ;  and  when  it  may  be  desired,  the  reception  of 
the  company  of  gentlemen  dealing  in  slaves,  will 
conveniently  and  attentively  be  received.  My 
situation  is  very  healthy  and  suitable  for  the  bu- 
siness. LEWIS  A.  COLLIER." 

Joseph  Wood  of  Hamburg,  South  Carolina,  a 
"  gentleman  dealing  in  slaves,"  advertises  that  he 


VIRGINIA.  79 

"  has  on  hand  a  likely  parcel  of  Virginia  negroes 
and  receives  new  supplies  every  fifteen  days" 

And  what  are  the  pecuniary  results  of  this 
commerce  ?  Mr.  Mercer,  as  we  have  seen,  esti. 
mated  the  annual  revenue  to  Virginia  from  the 
export  of  human  flesh,  at  one  million  and  a  half 
of  dollars.  But  this  was  in  1829,  before  the 
trade  had  reached  its  present  palmy  state.  "The 
Virginia  Times,"  in  1836,  in  an  article  on  the  im- 
portance of  increasing  the  banking  capital  of  the 
Commonwealth,  estimates  the  number  of  slaves 
exported  for  sale  the  "  last  twelve  months,"  at 
FORTY  THOUSAND  ;  each  slave  averaging  six  hun- 
dred dollars,  and  thus  yielding  a  capital  of  TWEN- 
TY-FOUR MILLIONS,  of  which  the  Editor  thinks,  at 
least  thirteen  millions  might  be  contributed  for 
banking  purposes.* 

Let  us  now  visit  the  "  Metropolis  of  the  Na- 
tion," the  very  heart  of  this  mighty  commerce  in 
the  bodies  and  souls  of  men.  The  District  of  Co- 
lumbia, from  its  relative  situation  to  the  breeding 
States,  forms  a  convenient  depot  for  the  negroes, 
previous  to  their  exportation ;  and  the  non-inter- 
ference of  Congress,  gives  the  traders  "under  the 
exclusive  jurisdiction "  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, as  unlimited  power  over  the  treatment  and 

*  Niles's  Register. 


80  AMERICAN  SLAVE  TRADE. 

stowage  of  their  human  cargoes,  as  their  brethren 
enjoy,  on  the  coast  of  Guinea. 

Hence  large  establishments  have  grown  up  up- 
on the  national  domain,  provided  with  prisons  for 
the  safe-keeping  of  the  negroes  till  a  full  cargo 
is  procured  ;  and  should  at  any  time  the  factory 
prisons  be  insufficient,  the  public  ones,  erected  by 
Congress,  are  at  the  service  of  the  dealers,  and 
the  United  States  Marshal  becomes  the  agent  of 
the  slave  trader  ! 

It  must  be  admitted,  that  the  following  pictures 
of  the  scenes  witnessed  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia, are  drawn  by  impartial  hands.  So  long  ago 
as  1802,  the  grand  jury  of  Alexandria  complain- 
ing of  the  trade,  remarked  :  "  These  dealers  in  the 
persons  of  our  fellow-men,  collect  within  this  dis- 
trict from  various  parts,  numbers  of  these  victims 
of  slavery,  and  lodge  them  in  some  place  of  con- 
finement until  they  have  completed  their  numbers. 
They  are  then  turned  out  into  our  streets,  and  ex- 
posed to  view  loaded  with  chains,  as  though  they 
had  committed  some  heinous  offence  against  our 
laws.  We  consider  it  as  a  grievance  that  citizens 
from  a  distant  part  of  the  United  States,  should 
be  permitted  to  come  within  the  District,  and 
pursue  a  traffic  fraught  with  so  much  misery  to  a 
class  of  beings  entitled  to  our  protection,  by  the 


DISTRICT   OF  COLUMBIA.  81 

laws  of  justice  and  humanity ;  and  that  the  inter- 
position of  civil  authority  cannot  be  had  to  pre- 
vent parents  being  wrested  from  their  offspring, 
and  children  from  their  parents,  without  respect 
to  the  ties  of  nature.  We  consider  these  griev- 
ances demanding  legislative  redress:"  —  that  is, 
redress  by  Congress. 

In  1816,  Judge  Morell  of  the  Circuit  Court  of 
the  United  States,  in  his  charge  to  the  grand  jury 
of  Washington,  observed,  speaking  of  the  slave 
trade  :  "  The  frequency  with  which  the  streets  of 
the  city  had  been  crowded  with  manacled  captives, 
sometimes  on  the  Sabbath,  could  not  fail  to  shock 
the  feelings  of  all  humane  persons." 

The  same  year,  JOHN  RANDOLPH  moved  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  for  a  committee  "to  in- 
quire into  the  existence  of  an  inhuman  and  ille- 
gal traffic  of  slaves  carried  on,  in,  and  through  the 
District  of  Columbia,  and  report  whether  any  or 
what  measures  are  necessary  for  putting  a  stop 
to  the  same."  The  motion  was  adopted  ;  had  it 
been  made  twenty  years  later,  it  would  under  the 
rules  of  the  House,  have  been  laid  on  the  table. 
"  and  no  further  action  had  thereon." 

The  Alexandria  Gazette  of  June  22nd,  1827, 
thus  describes  the  scenes  sanctioned  by  our  pro- 
fessedly republican  and  Christian  Legislature ; 


82  AMERICAN   SLAVE   TRADE. 

"  Scarcely  a  week  passes  without  some  of  these 
wretched  creatures  being  driven  through  our 
streets.  After  having  been  confined,  and  some- 
times manacled  in  a  loathsome  prison,  they  are 
turned  out  in  public  view  to  take  their  departure 
for  the  South.  The  children  and  some  of  the 
women  are  generally  crowded  into  a  cart  or  wag- 
on, while  others  follow  on  foot,  not  unfrequently 
handcuffed  and  chained  together.  Here  you  may 
behold  fathers  and  brothers  leaving  behind  them 
the  dearest  objects  of  affection,  and  moving  slowly 
along  in  the  mute  agony  of  despair  —  there  the 
young  mother  sobbing  over  the  infant  whose  in- 
nocent smiles  seem  but  to  increase  her  misery. 
From  some  you  will  hear  the  burst  of  bitter  la- 
mentation, while  from  others,  the  loud  hysteric 
laugh  breaks  forth,  denoting  still  deeper  agony." 

In  1828,  a  petition  for  the  suppression  of  this 
trade  was  presented  to  Congress,  signed  by  more 
than  one  thousand  inhabitants  of  this  District. 

In  1829,  the  Grand  Jury  of  Washington  made 
a  communication  to  Congress,  in  which  they  say, 
"  Provision  ought  to  be  made  to  prevent  purcha- 
sers for  the  purpose  of  removal  and  transporta- 
tion, from  making  the  cities  of  the  District,  depots 
for  the  imprisonment  of  the  slaves  they  collect. 
The  manner  in  which  they  are  brought  and  con- 


DISTRICT  OP  COLUMBIA.  83 

fined  in  these  places,  and  carried  through  our 
streets,  is  necessarily  such  as  to  excite  the  most 
painful  feelings.  It  is  believed  that  the  whole 
community  would  be  gratified  by  the  interference 
of  Congress  for  the  suppression  of  these  recepta- 
cles, and  the  exclusion  of  this  disgusting  traffic 
from  the  District." 

In  1830,  the  "Washington  Spectator"  thus 
gave  vent  to  its  indignation. 

"  The  slave  trade  in  the  Capital.  —  Let  it  be 
known  to  the  citizens  of  America,  that  at  the  very 
time  when  the  procession  which  contained  the 
President  of  the  United  States  and  his  Cabinet 
was  marching  in  triumph  to  the  Capitol,  another 
kind  of  procession  was  marching  another  way  ; 
and  that  consisted  of  coloured  human  beings, 
hand-cuffed  in  pairs,  and  driven  along  by  what 
had  the  appearance  of  a  man  on  horseback  !  A 
similar  scene  was  repeated  on  Saturday  last ;  a 
drove  consisting  of  males  and  females,  chained  in 
couples,  starting  from  Holy's  tavern  on  foot  for 
Alexandria,  where  with  others  they  are  to  em- 
bark on  board  a  slave  ship  in  waiting  to  convey 
them  to  the  South.  Where  is  the  O'Connell  in 
this  Republic  that  will  plead  for  the  emancipation 
of  the  District  of  Columbia?" 

The  advertisements  of  the  dealers,  indicate  the 


84  AMERICAN   SLAVE  TRADE. 

extent  of  the  traffic.  The  National  Intelligencer 
of  the  28th  March,  1836,  printed  at  Washington, 
contained  the  following  advertisements. 

"  Cash  for  five  hundred  Negroes,  including  both 
sexes,  from  ten  to  twenty-five  years  of  age.  Per- 
sons having  likely  servants  to  dispose  of,  will 
find  it  their  interest  to  give  us  a  call,  as  we  will 
give  higher  prices  in  cash,  than  any  other  purcha- 
ser who  is  now  or  may  hereafter  come  into  the 

MARKET. 

FRANKLIN  &  AMFIELD,  Alexandria." 

"  Cash  for  three  hundred  Negroes.  —  The  high- 
est cash  price  will  be  given  by  the  subscriber, 
for  negroes  of  both  sexes,  from  the  ages  of  twelve 
to  twenty-eight. 

WILLIAM  H.  WILLIAMS,  Washington." 

"  Cash  for  four  hundred  Negroes,  including 
both  sexes,  from  twelve  to  twenty-five  years  of 
age. 

JAMES  H.  BIRCH,  Washington  City." 

"  Cash  for  Negroes.  —  We  will  at  all  times 
give  the  highest  prices  in  cash  for  likely  young 
negroes  of  both  sexes,  from  ten  to  thirty  years 
of  age.  J.  W.  NEAL  &  Co.  Washington." 


AMERICAN  SLAVE  TRADE.  85 

Here  we  find  three  traders  in  the  District,  ad- 
vertising in  one  day  for  twelve  hundred  negroes, 
and  a  fourth  offering  to  buy  an  indefinite  num- 
ber. 

In  a  later  number  of  the  Intelligencer,  we  find 
the  following. 

"  Cash  for  Negroes.  —  I  will  give  the  highest 
price  for  likely  negroes  from  ten  to  twenty-five 
years  of  age.  GEORGE  KEPHART." 

"  Cash  for  Negroes.  —  I  will  give  cash  and 
liberal  prices  for  ANY  number  of  young  and  likely 
negroes,  from  eight  to  forty  years  of  age.  Persons 
having  negroes  to  dispose  of  will  find  it  to  their 
advantage  to  give  me  a  call  at  my  residence  on 
the  corner  of  Seventh-street  and  Maryland  Ave- 
nue, and  opposite  Mr.  William's  private  jail. 

WILLIAM  H.  RICHARDS." 

"  Cash  for  Negroes.  —  The  subscriber  wishes 
to  purchase  a  number  of  negroes  for  the  Louisia- 
na and  Mississippi  market.  Himself  or  an  agent 
at  all  times  can  be  found  at  his  jail,  on  Seventh- 
street.  WM.  H.  WILLIAMS." 

The  unhappy  beings  purchased  by  these  tra- 
ders in  human  flesh,  men  and  women,  and  chil- 
dren of  eight  years  old,  are  sent  to  the  South, 
8 


86  DISTRICT  OF   COLUMBIA. 

either  over  land  in  coffles,  or  by  sea,  in  crowded 
slavers.  Fostered  by  Congress,  these  traders  lose 
all  sense  of  shame  ;  and  we  have  in  the  National 
Intelligencer,  the  following  announcement  of  the 
regular  departure  of  three  slavers,  belonging  to  a 
single  factory. 

"  Alexandria  and  New-Orleans  Packets.  —  Brig 
Tribune,  Samuel  C.  Bush,  master,  will  sail  as 
above  on  the  1st  January  —  Brig  Isaac  Franklin, 
Wm.  Smith,  master,  on  the  15th  January — Brig 
Uncas,  Nath.  Boush,  master,  on  the  1st  February. 
They  will  continue  to  leave  this  port  on  the  1st 
and  15th  of  each  month,  throughout  the  shipping 
season.  Servants  that  are  intended  to  be  shipped, 
will  at  any  time  be  received  for  safe-keeping  at 
twenty-Jive  cents  a  day. 

JOHN  AMFIELD,  Alexandria." 

•'.•••a;-- 

This  infamous  advertisement  of  the  regular 
sailing  of  three  slavers,  and  the  offer  of  the  use  of 
the  factory  prison,  appears  in  one  of  the  principal 
journals  of  the  United  States.  Its  proprietor  has 
several  times  been  chosen  printer  to  Congress, 
and  there  is  no  reason  for  believing  that  he  has 
ever  lost  the  vote  of  a  northern  member  for  this 
prostitution  of  his  columns. 

But  the  climax  of  infamy  is  still  untold.     This 


AMERICAN   SLAVE  TRADE.  87 

trade  in  blood ;  this  buying,  imprisoning,  and  export- 
ing of  boys  and  girls  eight  years  old  ;  this  tearing 
asunder  of  husbands  and  wives,  parents  and  chil- 
dren, is  all  legalized  in  virtue  of  authority  delega- 
ted by  Congress ! !  The  249th  page  of  the  laws 
of  the  city  of  Washington,  is  polluted  by  the  follow- 
ing enactment,  bearing  date  28th  July,  1831. 

«'  For  a  LICENSE  to  trade  or  traffic  in  slaves  for 
profit,  four  hundred  dollars." 

Such  is  the  character  and  extent  of  the  Amer- 
ican slave  trade,  impudently  and  wickedly  called 
by  the  Senate,  "the  coasting  trade,"  —  a  trade 
protected  and  regulated  by  the  very  government 
which  in  the  Treaty  of  Ghent,  with  wonderful 
assurance,  declared  that  "the  traffic  in  slaves  is 
irreconcileable  with  the  principles  of  justice  and 
humanity." 

The  government  may  be  fairly  said  to  protect 
the  trade,  when  it  refuses  to  exercise  its  constitu- 
tional power  to  suppress  it.  The  very  fact  that 
slave  traders  arelicensed  in  the  District,  is  a  full  and 
complete  acknowledgement  that  there  is  authority 
competent  to  forbid  their  nefarious  business.  The 
continuance  of  the  traffic  under  the  immediate 
and  "  exclusive  jurisdiction  "  of  the  National  Gov- 
ernment, stamps  with  sin  and  disgrace  every 
member  of  Congress  who  assents  to  it ;  and  more 


88  AMERICAN    SLAVE    TRADE. 

especially,  and  with  peculiar  infamy,  those  north- 
ern members  who,  for  party  purposes,  vote  that 
"Congress  ought  not  in  any  way  to  interfere  with 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia." 

But  we  are  constantly  told  by  the  apologists  of 
slavery  that  the  American  slave  trade  is  beyond 
the  constitutional  control  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment ;  yet  that  government  abolished  the  African 
slave  trade,  and  no  human  being  ever  questioned 
its  right  to  do  so  ?  But  whence  was  that  right 
derived  ?  Solely  from  the  8th  Sec.  of  the  1st  Art. 
of  the  Constitution,  viz  : — 

'*  Congress  shall  have  power  to  regulate  com- 
merce with  foreign  nations,  and  among  the  several 
States." 

In  virtue  of  this  delegation  of  power,  Congress 
has  made  it  a  capital  crime  to  carry  on  commerce 
in  African  slaves.  Now  that  this  legislative  pro- 
hibition of  the  traffic  is  constitutional,  is  proved  by 
the  highest  possible  authority,  even  the  Constitu- 
tion itself;  for  that  instrument,  after  giving  Con- 
gress power  to  regulate  commerce  with  foreign 
nations,  restricts  it  from  abolishing  the  African 
slave  trade  before  the  expiration  of  twenty  years.* 

*  The  phraseology  of  this  restriction  shows  that  it  was  intended 
to  limit  the  power  to  regulate  commerce  as  well "  among  the  seve- 


AMERICAN    SLAVE    TRADE. 

To  regulate,  we  are  told,  does  not  include  the 
power  to  destroy ;  yet  it  seems  the  power  to 
regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations  does  in- 
clude the  power  to  interdict  an  odious,  cruel,  and 
wicked  branch  of  it.  By  what  logic  then  will  it 
be  shown  that  the  power  to  regulate  the  commerce 
among  the  several  States,  does  not  include  the 
power  to  interdict  a  traffic  in  men,  women,  and 
children  ?  Is  it  more  wicked,  more  base,  more 
cruel,  to  traffic  in  African  savages  than  in  native 
born  Americans  —  in  WHITE  men,  and  women  and 
children  —  in  the  offspring  of  our  own  citizens, 
and  not  unfrequently,  of  very  distinguished  citi- 
zens? Yet  it  is  this  abominable  commerce  that 
our  government  fosters  and  protects.  We  have 
seen  its  watchful  guardianship  over  .this  trade  in 
its  unceasing  endeavours  to  obtain  compensation 
from  Great  Britain  for  287  slaves  thrown  by  the 
winds  and  waves  under  her  protection.  Mr.  Van 

ral  States"  as  with  foreign  nations.  "  The  migration,  or  importa- 
tion of  such  persons  as  any  of  the  existing  States  shall  think 
proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  prohibited  by  the  Congress  prior  to 
the  year  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight." —  (Art.  I.  Sec.  9.) 
If  any  State  should  think  proper  to  admit  slaves  migrating  from 
another  State,  it  was  not  to  be  restrained  from  doing  so  till  1808. 
If  it  should  think  proper  to  import  slaves  from  a  foreign  country, 
it  might  do  so  notwithstanding  the  wishes  of  Congress,  till  the 
same  period. 

8* 


90  AMERICAN    SLAVE    TRADE, 

Buren,  our  Minister  in  England,  in  an  official  note 
on  this  subject,  (Feb.  25,  1832,)  remarked  :  — 

"  The  Government  of  the  United  States  respect- 
ing the  actual  and  unavoidable  condition  of  things 
at  home,  while  it  most  sedulously  and  rigorously 
guards  against  the  further  introduction  of  slaves, 
protects  at  the  same  time  by  reasonable  laws  the 
rights  of  the  owners  of  that  species  of  properly  in 
the  States  where  it  exists,  and  permits  its  transfer 
coastwise  from  one  of  these  States  to  another,under 
suitable  restrictions  to  prevent  the  fraudulent  intro- 
duction of  foreign  slaves." 

By  the  act  of  Congress  of  2d  March,  1807, 
masters  of  vessels  under  40  tons  burthen,  are  for- 
bidden to  transport  coastwise  from  one  port  to 
another  in  the  United  States  any  person  of  colour 
to  be  sold  or  held  as  a  slave,  under  the  penalty  of 
8800  for  each  slave  so  transported. 

By  the  same  act,  masters  of  vessels,  over  40  tons 
burthen  sailing  coastwise  from  one  port  to  another, 
and  intending  to  transport  persons  of  colour  to  be 
sold  or  held  as  slaves,  must  first  make  out  duplicate 
manifests,  specifying  the  names,  sex,  age,  and  stat- 
ure, of  the  persons  transported,  and  the  names 
and  residence  of  their  owner  or  shipper.  These 
manifests  are  to  be  delivered  to  the  collector  of 
the  port  who  is  to  retain  one,  and  to  return  the 


DUPLICITY    OF    THE    FEDERAL    GOVERNMENT.      91 

other  to  the  master  with  "  a  permit?  endorsed  on 
it, "  authorizing  him  to  proceed  to  the  port  of  des- 
tination." If  the  master  presumes  to  transport  a 
slave  without  such  permit,  not  only  is  the  vessel 
forfeited,  but  the  master  is  to  pay  a  penalty  of 
$1000  for  each  slave  shipped.  On  the  arrival  of 
the  vessel  at  the  port  of  destination,  the  manifest, 
with  the  permit,  is  to  be  handed  to  the  collector, 
who  thereupon  is  to  grant  a  "permit"  for  the  land- 
ing of  the  slaves,  and  if  any  are  landed  without 
such  permit,  the  master  forfeits  one  thousand  dol- 
lars. So  it  seems  Congress  may  prohibit  the  slave 
trade  in  vessels  under  forty  tons  ;  but  according 
to  northern  politicians,  it  would  be  unconstitutional 
to  prohibit  it  in  vessels  over  forty  tons ;  and  ac- 
cording to  the  slaveholders,  such  a  prohibition 
would  cause  the  dissolution  of  the  Union !  But 
alas  !  the  permission,  regulation,  and  protection  of 
this  traffic  is  in  perfect  keeping  with 

TlIE  DUPLICITY  OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT 
IN  REGARD  TO  THE  SUPPRESSION  OF  THE  AFRI- 
CAN SLAVE  TRADE. 

The  great  struggle  for  the  abstract  principles  of 
human  liberty,  in  which  our  fathers  engaged  with 
so  much  zeal,  had,  at  the  close  of  the  revolutionary 


92       DUPLICITY  OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT. 

war,  excited  a  very  general  conviction  of  the  in- 
justice of  slavery.  When  the  convention  appointed 
to  form  a  Federal  Constitution  assembled,  the 
northern  and  many  of  the  southern  delegates  were 
disposed  to  give  the  new  government  such  unquali- 
fied power  over  the  commerce  of  the  nation,  as 
would  enable  it  to  abolish  a  traffic  no  less  at  vari- 
ance with  our  republican  professions  than  with  the 
precepts  of  humanity  and  religion.  A  portion  of 
the  southern  delegates  however,  insisted  on  a  tem- 
porary restriction  of  this  power  as  the  price  of 
their  adhesion  to  the  Union  ;  and  their  threat  of 
marring  the  beauty,  symmetry,  and  strength  of 
the  fair  fabric  about  to  be  erected  by  withdraw- 
ing from  it  the  support  of  the  States  they  represent- 
ed, unfortunately  induced  the  convention  to  yield  to 
their  wishes,  and  to  insert  in  the  constitution  a 
clause  restraining  Congress  from  abolishing  the 
African  slave  trade  for  twenty  years.  Mr.  Madi- 
son has  left  us  the  following  history  of  this  iniqui- 
tous clause.  "  The  southern  States  would  not 
have  entered  into  the  union  of  America  without 
the  temporary  permission  of  that  trade.  The 
gentlemen  from  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  ar- 
gued in  this  manner  —  'We  have  now  liberty  to 
import  this  species  of  property,  and  much  of  the 
property  now  possessed  has  been  purchased,  or 


DUPLICITY  OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT.      93 

otherwise  acquired  in  contemplation  of  improving 
it  by  the  assistance  of  imported  slaves.  What 
would  be  the  consequence  of  hindering  us  from 
it  ?  The  slaves  of  Virginia  would  rise  in  value 
and  we  should  be  obliged  to  go  to  your  markets.' " 
—  Debates  in  Virginia  Convention. 

We  have  here  the  solution  of  much  contradictory 
action  on  the  part  of  slaveholders  in  regard  to 
this  trade.  It  seems  to  have  been  early  discovered 
that  its  abolition  would  be  advantageous  to  the 
slave-breeders,  but  not  to  the  slave  buyers.  Ow- 
ing to  climate,  soil,  and  productions,  slave  labour 
is  less  profitable  in  Maryland  and  Virginia,  than 
in  the  more  southern  States ;  hence,  the  greater 
demand  for  this  labour  in  the  latter  States  has, 
since  the  cessation  of  importation,  caused  a  con- 
stant influx  of  slaves  from  the  former.  The  breed- 
ers in  Maryland  and  Virginia  have,  for  the  most 
part,  striven  in  good  faith  for  the  total  suppression 
of  the  African  trade  ;  while  those  who  originally 
refused  to  enter  the  Union  unless  permitted  for  at 
least  twenty  years,  to  import  their  slaves  directly 
from  Africa,  have  since  evinced  very  little  desire 
to  secure  to  their  neighbours  the  monopoly  of  the 
market. 

Whenever  the  opponents  of  Abolition  find  it 
convenient  to  refer  to  the  action  of  the  Federal 


94      DUPLICITY  OP  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT. 

Government  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  they  laud 
and  magnify  its  horror  of  the  African  slave  trade, 
and  exultingly  point  to  the  law  of  Congress,  brand- 
ing it  with  the  penalties  of  piracy.  And  yet  we 
are  inclined  to  believe,  that  the  conduct  of  our 
government  in  relation  to  this  very  subject,  is  one 
of  the  foulest  stains  attached  to  our  national  ad- 
ministration. Has  the  trade  been  suppressed  ? 
Has  the  Federal  Government  in  good  faith  endeav- 
oured to  suppress  it  ?  These  are  important  ques- 
tions, and  we  shall  endeavour  to  solve  them  by  an 
appeal  to  facts  and  official  documents. 

In  a  debate  in  Congress  in  1819,  Mr.  Middle- 
ton  of  South  Carolina,  stated,  that  in  his  opinion, 
13,000  Africans  were  annually  smuggled  into  the 
United  States.  Mr.  Wright  of  Virginia,  estima- 
ted the  number  at  15,000  !  The  same  year,  Judge 
Story  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States, 
in  a  charge  to  a  Grand  Jury,  thus  expresses  him- 
self :  —  "  We  have  but  too  many  proofs  from  un- 
questionable sources,  that  it  (the  African  trade)  is 
still  carried  on  with  all  the  implacable  ferocity 
and  insatiable  rapacity  of  former  times.  Avarice 
has  grown  more  subtle  in  its  evasions,  and  watch- 
es and  seizes  its  prey  with  an  appetite  quickened 
rather  than  suppressed  by  its  guilty  vigils.  Ame- 
rican citizens  are  steeped  to  their  very  mouths,  (I 


DUPLICITY  OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT.       95 

can  scarcely  use  too  bold  a  figure,)  in  this  stream 
of  iniquity." 

On  the  22d  Jan.  1811,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  wrote  to  the  commanding  naval  officer  at 
Charleston.  "  I  hear,  not  without  great  concern, 
that  the  law  prohibiting  the  importation  of  slaves, 
has  been  violated  infrequent  instances,  near  St. 
Mary's,  since  the  gun-boats  have  been  withdrawn 
from  that  station." 

On  the  14th  March,  1814,  the  Collector  of  Da- 
rien,  Georgia,  thus  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury: — "I  am  in  possession  of  undoubted 
information,  that  African  and  West  India  negroes 
are  almost  daily  illicitly  introduced  into  Georgia, 
for  sale  or  settlement,  or  passing  through  it  to  the 
territories  of  the  United  States,  for  similar  pur- 
poses. These  facts  are  notorious,  and  it  is  not 
unusual  to  see  such  negroes  in  the  streets  of  St. 
Mary,  and  such  too,  recently  captured  by  our  ves- 
sels of  war,  and  ordered  for  Savannah,  were  il- 
legally bartered  by  hundreds  in  that  city,  for  this 
bartering  (or  bonding,  as  it  is  called,  but  in  reality 
selling,)  actually  took  place  before  any  decision 
has  passed  by  the  Court  respecting  them.  I  can- 
not but  again  express  to  you,  sir,  that  these  irreg- 
ularities, and  mocking  of  the  laws  by  men  who 
understand  them,  are  such  that  it  requires  the 


96       DUPLICITY  OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT. 

immediate  interposition  of  Congress  to  effect  the 
suppression  of  this  traffic  ;  for  as  things  are,  should 
a  faithful  officer  of  the  Government  apprehend 
such  negroes,  to  avoid  the  penalties  imposed  by 
the  laws,  the  proprietors  disclaim  them,  and  some 
agent  of  the  Executive  demands  a  delivery  of  the 
same  to  him,  who  may  employ  them  as  he  pleases, 
or  effect  a  sale  by  tuay  of  bond  for  the  restoration 
of  the  negroes  when  legally  called  on  so  to  do, 
which  bond  is  understood  to  be  forfeited,  as  the 
amount  of  the  bond  is  so  much  less  than  the  value 
of  the  property.  After  much  fatigue,  peril,  and 
expense,  eighty-eight  Africans  are  seized  and 
brought  to  the  Surveyor  to  Darien  ;  they  are  de- 
manded by  the  Governor's  agent.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  knowledge  which  his  Excellency  had  that 
these  very  Africans  were  some  weeks  within  six 
miles  of  his  Excellency's  residence,  there  was  no 
effort,  no  stir  made  by  him,  his  agents  or  subor- 
dinate State  officers,  to  carry  the  laws  into  exe- 
cution ;  but  no  sooner  than  it  was  understood  that 
a  seizure  had  been  effected  by  an  officer  of  the 
United  States,  a  demand  is  made  for  them  ;  and 
it  is  not  difficult  to  perceive,  that  the  very  aggres- 
sors may,  by  a  forfeiture  of  the  mock  bond,  be 
again  placed  in  possession  of  the  smuggled  prop- 
erty." 


IMPORTATION  OP  AFRICANS.  97 

In  1817,  General  David  B.  Mitchell,  Governor 
of  Georgia,  resigned  the  Executive  chair,  and  ac- 
cepted the  appointment  under  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment, of  Indian  Agent  at  the  Creek  Agency. 
He  was  afterwards  charged  with  being  concerned 
in  the  winter  of  1817  and  1818,  in  the  illegal  im- 
portation of  Africans.  The  documents  in  support 
of  the  charge,  and  those  also  which  he  offered  to 
disprove  it,  were  placed  by  the  President  in  the 
hands  of  Mr.  Wirt,  the  Attorney  General  of  the 
United  States,  who  on  the  21st  January,  1821, 
made  a  report  on  the  same.  From  this  report,  it 
appears  that  no  less  than  94  Africans  were  smug- 
gled into  Georgia,  and  carried  to  Mitchell's  resi- 
dence. Mr.  Wirt  concludes  his  report  with  the 
expression  of  his  conviction,  "  that  Gen.  Mitchell 
is  guilty  of  having  prostituted  his  power  as  Agent 
for  Indian  Affairs  at  the  Creek  Agency,  to  the 
purpose  of  aiding  and  assisting  in  a  conscious 
breach  of  the  Act  of  Congress  of  1807,  in  prohi- 
bition of  the  slave  trade,  and  this  from  mercenary 
motives."* 

On  the  22d  May,  1817,  the  Collector  at  Sa- 
vannah, wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  : 
"  I  have  just  received  information  from  a  source 
on  which  I  can  implicitly  rely,  that  it  has  already 

*  Sanate'papers,  1st  Session,  17th  Cong.  No.  93. 
9 


98  IMPORTATION  OF  AFRICANS. 

become  the  practice  to  introduce  into  the  State  of 
Georgia  across  St.  Mary's  River,  from  Amelia  Isl- 
and, E.  Florida,  Africans  who  have  been  carried  in- 
to the  port  of  Ferdinanda.  It  is  further  under- 
stood, that  the  evil  will  not  be  confined  altogether 
to  Africans,  but  will  be  extended  to  the  worst 
class  of  West  India  slaves" 

Captain  Morris  of  the  Navy,  informed  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy,  (18th  June,  1817)  — "  Slaves 
are  smuggled  in  through  the  numerous  inlets  to 
the  westward,  where  the  people  are  but  too  much 
disposed  to  render  every  possible  assistance.  Sev- 
eral hundred  slaves  are  now  at  Galveston,  and 
persons  have  gone  from  New-Orleans  to  purchase 
them." 

On  the  17th  April,  1818,  the  Collector  at  New- 
Orleans,  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  ; 
"  No  efforts  of  the  officers  of  the  Customs  alone, 
can  be  effectual  in  preventing  the  introduction  of 
Africans  from  the  westward :  to  put  a  stop  to 
that  traffic,  a  naval  force  suitable  to  those  waters 
is  indispensable  ;  and  vessels  captured  with  slaves 
ought  not  to  be  brought  into  this  port,  but  to  some 
other  in  the  United  States,  for  adjudication"  We 
may  learn  the  cause  of  this  significant  hint,  from 
a  communication  made  the  9th  July,  in  the  same 
year,  to  the  Secretary,  by  the  Collector  at  Nova- 


IMPORTATION  OF  AFRICANS. 

Iberia.  "  Last  summer  I  got  out  State  warrants, 
and  had  negroes  seized  to  the  number  of  eigh- 
teen, which  were  part  of  them  stolen  out  of  the 
custody  of  the  coroner ;  the  balance  were  con- 
demned by  the  District  Judge,  and  the  informers 
received  their  part  of  the  nett  proceeds  from  the 
State  Treasurer.  Five  negroes  that  were  seized 
about  the  same  time,  were  tried  at  Opelousa  in 
May  last,  by  the  same  judge.  He  decided  that 
some  Spaniards  that  were  supposed  to  have  set 
up  a  sham  claim,  stating  that  the  negroes  had  been 
stolen  from  them  on  the  high  seas,  (!!)  should  have 
the  negroes,  and  that  the  persons  who  seized  them 
should  pay  half  the  costs,  and  the  State  of  Louisi- 
ana the  other.  This  decision  had  such  an  effect 
as  to  render  it  almost  impossible  for  me  to  ob- 
tain any  assistance  in  that  part  of  the  country." 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  a  letter  to 
the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  20th 
January  1819,  remarked:  —  "It  is  understood  that 
proceedings  have  been  instituted  under  the  State 
authorities  which  have  terminated  in  the  SALE  of 
persons  of  colour  illegally  imported  into  the  States 
of  Georgia  and  Louisiana,  during  the  years  1817 
and  1818.  There  is  no  authentic  copy  of  the  acts 
of  the  Legislatures  of  these  States  upon  this  sub- 
ject in  this  department,  but  it  is  understood  that 


100  IMPORTATION  OF  AFRICANS. 

in  both  States,  Africans    and  other  persons  of 
colour,  illegally  imported,  are  directed  to  be  SOLD 

FOR  THE  BENEFIT  OF  THE   STATE."* 

We  have  now,  we  think,  proved  from  high  author- 
ity, that  notwithstanding  the  legal  prohibition  of  the 
slave  trade,  the  people,  the  courts,  and  the  Execu- 
utive  authority  in  the  planting  States,  have  afford- 

*In  1835,  the  New- York  Journal  of  Commerce  asserted  that 
vessels  had  been  recently  fitted  out  in  that  port  for  the  African 
•lave  trade. 

The  Boston  Express  of  17th  December,  1838,  thus  gives  the 
substance  of  the  statements  made  by  Mr.  Elliott  Cresson,  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Colonization  Society,  in  a  public  address  delivered 
a  few  days  before  in  Boston :  — 

"Out  of  177  slave  ships  which  arrive  at  Cuba  every  year,  five- 
sixths  are  owned  and  fitted  out  from  ports  in  the  United  States ; 
and  the  enormous  profits  accruing  from  their  voyages  remitted  to 
this  country.  One  house  in  New- York  received  lately  for  its 
share  alone  the  sum  of  $250,000.  Baltimore  is  largely  interested 
in  this  accursed  traffic  as  well  as  New- York —  and  even  Boston, 
with  all  her  religion  and  morality,  does  not  disdain  to  increase  her 
wealth  by  a  participation  in  so  damnable  a  business.  A  gentle- 
man of  the  highest  respectability  lately  informed  Mr.  Cresson  that 
a  sailor  in  this  city  told  him  that  he  had  received  several  hundred 
dollars  of  hush  money  to  make  him  keep  silent,  and  when  he 
mentioned  the  names  of  his  employers  the  gentleman  says  he  was 
actually  afraid  to  repeat  them,  so  high  do  they  stand  in  society. 
A  captain  in  the  merchant  service  from  New- York,  was  lately 
offered  his  own  terms  by  two  different  houses  provided  he  would 
undertake  a  slave  voyage." 

Of  the  truth  of  these  statements  we  know  nothing. 


IMPUNITY  OF  TRADERS.  101 

ed  facilities  for  the  importation  of  Africans.  It 
now  becomes  important  to  inquire  how  far  the 
Federal  Government  has  enforced  the  penalties 
imposed  by  the  Act  forbidding  the  trade. 

On  the  7th  January,  1819,  Joseph  Nourse,  Re- 
gister of  the  Treasury,  in  an  official  document 
submitted  to  Congress,  certified  that  there  were 
no  records  in  the  Treasury  department  of  any 
forfeitures  under  the  Act  of  1807,  abolishing  the 
slave  trade  I  So  that  notwithstanding  the  thirteen 
or  fifteen  thousand  slaves,  said  by  southern  mem- 
bers of  Congress  to  be  annually  smuggled  into  the 
United  States  —  notwithstanding  American  citi- 
zens were  declared  by  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme 
Court  to  be  "  steeped  to  their  very  mouths  in  this 
stream  of  iniquity,"  not  one  single  forfeiture  had 
in  eleven  years  reached  the  Treasury  of  the  Uni- 
ted States !  Mr.  Nourse,  however,  states,  that  it 
was  understood  that  there  had  been  recently  two 
forfeitures,  one  in  South  Carolina,  and  the  other 
in  Alabama.  Respecting  the  first,  we  have  no 
information  ;  of  the  latter,  we  are  able  to  present 
the  following  extraordinary  history. 

The  Collector  at  Mobile,  writing  Nov.  15, 1818, 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  remarks, "  Should 
West  Florida  be  given  up  to  the  Spanish  authori- 
ties, both  the  American  and  Spanish  vessels  it  is 
9* 


102  IMPUNITY    OF    TRADERS. 

to  be  apprehended  will  be  employed  in  the  impor- 
tation of  slaves  with  an  ultimate  destination  to 
this  country  ;  and  even  in  its  present  situation,  the 
greatest  facilities  are  afforded  for  obtaining  slaves 
from  Havanna  and  elsewhere  through  West  Flori- 
da. Three  vessels,  it  is  true,  were  taken  in  the 
attempt  last  summer,  but  this  was  owing  rather 
to  accident  than  any  well-timed  arrangement  to 
prevent  the  trade." 

These  three  vessels  brought  in  107  slaves.  By 
what  mistake  they  were  captured  we  are  not  in- 
formed,but  another  letter  from  the  Collector  shows 
us  how  the  "accident "was remedied.  "The  vessels 
and  cargoes  and  slaves  have  been  delivered  on 
bonds ;  the  former  to  the  owners,  and  the  slaves 
to  three  other  persons.  The  Grand  Jury  found 
true  bills  against  the  owners  of  the  vessels,  mas- 
ters and  supercargo  —  all  of  whom  have  been  dis- 
charged— why  or  wherefore,  I  cannot  say,  except 
that  it  could  not  be  for  want  of  proof  against 
them."  From  this  letter  it  is  most  probable  that 
the  forfeiture  of  which  Mr.  Nourse  had  heard,  if 
any  in  fact  occurred,  was  the  collusive  forfeiture 
of  the  Bonds.* 


*The  documents  we  have  quoted  on  this  subject,  are  to  be 
found  in  Reports  of  Committees.  —  1st  Sess.  21st  Cong.  No.  348. 


COLONIZATION.  103 

We  most  freely  acknowledge  that  so  far  as  the 
statute  book  is  to  be  received  as  evidence,  there 
can  be  no  question  of  the  sincerity  and  zeal 
with  which  the  Federal  Government  has  laboured 
to  suppress  the  African  slave  trade  :  but  laws  do 
not  execute  themselves,  and  we  shall  now  appeal 
to  the  statute  book,  and  to  the  minutes  of  Con- 
gress, to  convict  the  Government  of  gross  hypoc- 
risy and  duplicity. 

It  is  difficult  to  understand  why  men  who  are 
engaged  in  breeding  slaves  for  the  market,  or 
why  men  who  are  employed  in  buying  and  work- 
ing slaves,  should  have  any  moral  or  religious 
scruples  about  the  African  trade  ;  and  when  we 
find  political  leaders  professing  to  be  ready  to 
sacrifice  the  Union  to  secure  the  perpetuity  of 
the  American  trade,  we  may  surely  be  excused 
for  doubting  the  sincerity  of  their  denunciations 
against  the  foreign  traffic. 

In  the  year  1817,  a  new  and  sudden  zeal  was 
excited  in  Congress  for  the  abolition  of  the  trade, 
and  this  zeal  as  we  shall  see,  was  the  offspring  of 
the  efforts  of  Virginia  to  colonize  the  free  blacks. 
The  legislature  of  that  State  had  for  years  been 
anxious  to  get  rid,  not  of  the  slaves,  but  of  the 
free  negroes.  On  the  1st  January,  1817,  the  Co- 
lonization Society,  the  result  of  Virginia  policy, 


104  COLONIZATION  AND 

was  organized  at  Washington,  and  immediately 
presented  a  memorial  to  Congress  praying  for 
national  countenance.  The  committee  to  whom 
this  memorial  was  referred,  reported  (1 1th  Feb.) 
two  resolutions  : —  1st,  Calling  on  the  President 
to  enter  into  negotiations  with  foreign  powers  for 
the  "  entire  and  immediate  abolition  of  the  traffic 
in  slaves  ;"  and  2nd,  asking  him  to  obtain  the  con- 
sent of  Great  Britain  to  our  colonizing  free  people 
of  colour  at  Sierra  Leone.  Thus  early  was  the 
cause  of  Colonization  connected  with  the  agitation 
in  Congress  about  the  slave  trade ;  a  connexion 
from  which,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  the  Society 
reaped  a  very  large  pecuniary  advantage.  The 
resolutions  were  not  acted  on,  and  the  next  ses- 
sion, Mr.  MERCER,  regarded  in  Virginia  as  the 
father  of  the  Society,  succeeded  in  getting  a  vote 
of  the  House  (Dec.  30th,  1817,)  instructing  the 
committee  on  the  memorial  from  the  Society,  to 
report  on  the  expediency  of  rendering  the  laws 
against  the  slave  trade  more  effectual.  Of  this  com- 
mittee Mr.  Mercer  was  himself  the  chairman ;  and 
he  recommended  in  his  report,  that  the  President 
should  take  measures  for  procuring  suitable  terri- 
tory in  Africa  for  colonizing  free  people  of  colour 
with  their  own  consent;  and  that  armed  vessels 
should  occasionally  be  sent  to  Africa  for  the  pur- 


THE   SLAVE  TRADE.  105 

pose  of  interrupting  the  trade.  The  suggestions 
of  the  committee  were  not  adopted,  but  the  ensu- 
ing session,  (3d  March,  1819,)  a  new  act  against 
the  slave  trade  was  passed,  which  gave  "  a  local 
habitation"  to  the  present  colony  of  Monrovia; 
and  was  equivalent  to  a  liberal  and  national  grant 
to  the  Society.  By  this  act,  the  President  was 
authorized  to  restore  to  their  country,  such  Afri- 
cans as  might  be  captured  on  board  of  slavers,  or 
illegally  introduced  into  the  United  States;  and 
he  was  to  appoint  agents  on  the  coast  to  receive 
them.  Mr.  Monroe,  then  President  of  the  United 
States,  was  a  zealous  colonizationist,  and  was  af- 
terwards placed  at  the  head  of  the  Society.  Let 
us  see  what  use  he  made  of  the  powers  entrusted 
to  him  by  the  act  of  1819.  Many  years  after,  an 
inquiry  was  instituted  in  Congress  as  to  the  ex- 
penditures under  this  law,  and  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  (1830,)  reported  that  "252  persons*  of 

*  "VVe  have  not  been  able  to  ascertain  from  what  sources  these 
Africans  were  obtained,  but  that  they  were  not  all  of  them  trophies 
of  the  zeal  of  our  cruisers  in  the  cause  of  humanity,  appears  from 
the  following  extracts  from  official  documents.  "  There  are  now 
in  the  charge  of  the  Marshal  of  Georgia,  248  Africans  taken  out  of 
a  South  American  privateer,  the  "  General  Ramirez,"  whose  crew 
mutinied,  and  brought  the  vessel  into  St.  Mary's,  Georgia. — Letter 
of  Sec'y  of  Navy,  7th  Feb'y,  1821 .  "A  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  in  the  case  of  the  '  General  Ramirez,'  placed  under  the  con- 


106  COLONIZATION  AND 

this  description  (recaptured  Africans,)  have  been 
removed  to  the  settlement  provided  by  the  Col- 
onization Society  on  the  coast  of  Africa ;  and 
that  there  had  been  expended  therefor,  the  sum 
of  two  hundred  and  sixty-four  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  ten  dollars.  *  *  *  The  practice 
has  been  to  furnish  these  persons  with  provisions 
for  a  period  of  time  after  being  landed  in  Africa, 
varying  from  six  months  to  one  year ;  to  provide 
them  with  houses,  arms,  and  ammunition  ;  to  pay 
for  the  erection  of  fortifications,  for  the  building 
of  vessels  for  their  use,  and  in  short  to  render  all 
t7ie  aid  required  for  the  founding  and  support  of  a 
colonial  establishment." 

A  report  from  Amos  Kendall,  Fourth  Auditor 
of  the  Treasury,  discloses  more  particularly  the 
manner  in  which  the  "  Act  in  addition  to  the  Acts 
prohibiting  the  slave  trade,"  was  made  subservient 
to  the  purposes  of  the  Colonization  Society. 

"  In  May,  1822,  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  di- 
rected that  ten  liberated  Africans  should  be  de- 
livered to  Mr.  J.  Ashmun  for  transportation  to 
Africa.  The  Secretary  authorized  him  to  take 
out  at  the  expense  of  the  Government,  15,000  hard 

trol  of  the  Government  from  125  to  1 30  Africans,  who  were  brought 
into  Georgia,  and  arrangements  are  making  to  send  them  to  the 
Agency."  —  (Liberia.)  — Report  of  Sec'y  of  Navy,  Dec.  2d  1825. 


THE    SLAVE    TRADE.  107 

brick,  5,000  feet  of  assorted  timber,  30  barrels  of 
ship  bread,  eight  of  tar,  four  of  pitch,  four  of 
rosin,  and  two  of  turpentine.  ***** 

In  the  simple  grant  of  power  to  an  agent  to  re- 
ceive recaptured  negroes,  it  requires  broad  con- 
struction to  find  a  grant  of  authority  to  colonize 
them,  to  build  houses  for  them,  to  furnish  them 
with  farming  utensils,  to  pay  instructers  to  teach 
them,  to  purchase  ships  for  their  commerce,  to 
build  forts  for  their  protection,  to  supply  them 
with  arms  and  munitions,  and  to  employ  the  army 
and  navy  in  their  defence.*" 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  friends  of  Coloni- 
zation had  great  encouragement  to  proceed  in 
their  warfare  against  the  slave  trade.  According- 
ly Mr.  Mercer,  as  the  chairman  of  the  committee 
to  whom  a  memorial  from  the  Society  had  been 
referred,  reported  (May  9th,  1820,)  a  Bill  incor- 
porating the  Society,  and  another  making  the  slave 
trade, piracy  ;  and  likewise  two  resolutions, —  the 
first  requesting  the  President  to  negotiate  with  fo- 
reign powers,  "on  the  means  of  effecting  an  en- 
tire and  immediate  abolition  of  the  slave  trade ;" 
and  another  requesting  him  to  make  such  use  of 
the  public  armed  vessels  as  may  aid  the  efforts  of 

*  Senate  Documents.  2  Sess.  2  Cong. 


108  FOREIGN   NEGOTIATIONS. 

the  Colonization  Society.  The  first  resolution  was 
adopted,  and  the  consideration  of  the  other  post- 
poned. A  few  days  after,  (May  15th,)  the  Act 
making  the  African  slave  trade  piratical,  was 
passed.  But  laws  do  not  execute  themselves  : 
and  if  any  slave  trader  has  suffered  death  in  the 
United  States  as  a  pirate,  we  confess  our  igno- 
rance of  the  fact.* 

It  certainly  required  some  little  assurance  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  thus  to  order  a  negoti- 
ation with  foreign  powers,  for  the  suppression  of 
the  trade,  when  the  Federal  Government  had  it- 
self been  so  remiss  in  its  efforts,  that  both  Houses 
of  the  British  Parliament  had,  the  year  before, 

*In  1820,  a  slave  vessel,  the  Science,  fitted  out  at  New- York,  and 
commanded  by  Adolphe  Lacoste  of  Charleston,  South  Carolina, 
was  captured  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  by  the  United  States  Shi  p, 
Cyane,  and  Lacoste  sent  home  for  trial.  The  trial  took  place 
in  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  United  States,  before  Judge  Storey. 
The  evidence  was  full  and  unequivocal ;  Lacoste  was  convicted, 
and  sentenced  to  five  years'  imprisonment,  and  to  the  payment  of 
a  fine  of  $3,000.  Had  the  crime  been  committed  a  few  months 
later,  the  penalty  would  have  been  death,  under  the  new  law,  de- 
claring the  trade  piracy.  Lacoste  received  a.  full  pardon  from  the 
President,  and  the  reader  may  thence  judge,  whether  had  he 
been  convicted  as  a  pirate,  his  life  would  have  been  much  in  dan- 
ger. The  reasons  assigned  for  the  pardon,  were  youth,  previous 
good  character,  and  an  aged  mother.  —  Niles's  Register,  Jlpril  20, 
1822. 


ABOUT  SLAVE  TRADE.  109 

(July,  1819,)  addressed  the  Prince  Regent,  praying 
him  to  renew  "his  beneficent  endeavours,  more 
especially  with  the  Governments  of  France  and 
the  United  States  of  America,  for  the  effectual 
attainment  of  an  object  we  all  profess  to  have  in 
view :"  and  a  negotiation  had  already  been  actu- 
ally commenced  with  our  Government,  proposing 
to  concede  "  to  each  other's  ships  of  war,  a  quali- 
fied right  of  search,  with  a  power  of  detaining  the 
vessels  of  either  State,  with  slaves  actually  on 
board  :*  and  a  positive  refusal  to  this  proposal 
had  already  been  returned.  There  is  no  evidence 
that  our  Government  ever  took  a  single  measure 
in  consequence  of  this  resolution ;  and  under  all 
the  circumstances  of  the  case,  it  is  not  uncharita- 
ble to  believe,  that  it  was  intended  to  save  appear- 
ances. 

We  must  now  beg  the  reader's  attention  to  a 
new  act,  in  this  farce  of  suppressing  the  slave 
trade. 

In  1814,  our  government  concluded  a  war  with 
Great  Britain,  and  in  the  treaty  of  peace,  gave  its 
assent  to  the  following  article.  "  Whereas  the 
traffic  in  slaves  is  irreconcilable  with  the  princi- 
ples of  humanity  and  justice  ;  and  whereas  His 

*  Letter  from  Lord  Castlereagh  to  Mr.  Rush,  June  20,  1818. 
10 


110  FOREIGN  NEGOTIATIONS 

Majesty  and  the  United  States  are  desirous  of 
continuing  their  efforts  to  promote  its  entire  abo- 
lition, it  is  hereby  agreed,  that  both  the  contract- 
ing parties  shall  use  their  best  endeavours  to  ac- 
complish so  desirable  an  object." 

On  the  29th  January,  1823,  Mr.  Stratford  Can- 
ning, the  British  Minister  at  Washington,  addres- 
sed a  letter  to  Secretary  of  State,  reminding  him 
of  this  pledge,  and  calling  on  the  American  Gov- 
ernment either  to  assent  to  the  plan  proposed  by 
Great  Britain,  or  to  suggest  some  other  efficient 
one  in  its  place.  After  the  reception  of  this  let- 
ter, and  before  the  return  of  an  answer,  the  fol- 
lowing resolution  was  passed  (28th  Feb.)  by  the 
House  of  Representatives,  viz. 

"  Resolved,  that  the  President  of  the  United 
States  be  requested  to  enter  upon  and  prosecute 
from  time  to  time,  such  negotiations  with  the  sev- 
eral maritime  powers  of  Europe  and  America,  as 
he  may  deem  expedient,  for  the  effectual  abolition 
of  the  African  slave  trade,  and  its  ultimate  denun- 
ciation as  piracy,  under  the  laics  of  nations,  by  the 
consent  of  the  civilized  world." 

The  British  Minister  was  then  informed,  in  an- 
swer to  his  letter,  that  the  plan  proposed  by  the 
United  States  was  a  mutual  stipulation  to  annex 
the  penalty  of  piracy  to  the  offence  of  participat- 


ABOUT  SLAVE  TRADE.  Ill 

ing  in  the  trade,  by  the  citizens  and  subjects  of 
the  two  parties.  Mr.  Canning  replied,  that "  Great 
Britain  desires  no  other,  than  that  any  of  her  sub- 
jects who  so  far  defy  the  laws,  and  dishonour  the 
character  of  their  country  as  to  engage  in  a  trade 
of  blood,  proscribed  not  more  by  the  act  of  the 
legislature,  than  by  the  national  feeling,  should 
be  detected  and  brought  to  justice  even  by  for- 
eign hands,  and  from  under  the  protection  of  her 
flag."  He  nevertheless  urged  a  limited  conces- 
sion of  the  right  of  search,  as  the  only  practical 
cure  of  the  evil ;  and  he  communicated  the  fact, 
that  so  late  as  January,  1822,  it  was  stated  offi- 
cially by  the  Governor  of  Sierra  Leone,  "that 
the  fine  rivers  of  Nunez  and  Pongas  were  entirely 
under  the  control  of  renegade  European,  and 
American  slave  traders."  He  then  proposed  that  a 
mutual  right  of  search  should  be  conceded,  to  be 
confined  to  a  fixed  number  of  cruisers  on  each  side  ; 
to  be  restricted  to  certain  parts  of  the  ocean  ; 
and  that  to  prevent  abuses,  these  cruisers  should 
act  under  regulations  prepared  by  mutual  con- 
sent ;  and  moreover,  that  this  concession  should 
be  made  only  for  a  short  time,  that  if  found  in- 
convenient in  practice,  it  might  be  discontinued.* 

"•Letter  from  Mr.  Statford  Canning  to  the  Secretary  of  State, 
18th  April,  1823. 


112  FOREIGN  NEGOTIATIONS 

But  the  Republic  stood  on  its  dignity,  and  would 
not  condescend  to  yield  a  concession  which  Great 
Britain,  France,  Spain,  Portugal,  the  Netherlands, 
Denmark,  Sweden,  and  Sardinia,  have  thought 
it  no  degradation  to  make  in  the  cause  of  hu- 
manity. 

But  still  the  American  Government  was  very 
anxious  that  every  man  of  every  nation,  who  en- 
gaged  in  the  traffic  of  slaves  on  the  coast  of  Afri- 
ca, (not  in  the  District  of  Columbia,)  should  be 
hung  by  the  neck  till  he  was  dead  ;  and  forth- 
with, in  obedience  to  the  resolution  of  28th  Feb- 
ruary, despatches  were  forwarded  to  the  Cabi- 
nets of  France,  Spain,  Portugal,  Russia,  the  Neth- 
erlands, Buennos  Ayres,  and  Columbia,  announc- 
ing the  desire  of  the  United  States  to  declare  the 
trade  piracy,  by  the  common  consent  of  nations^ 

It  is  generally  understood,  that  a  pirate  is  an 
enemy  to  the  human  race,  and  may  be  put  to 
death  by  any  government  in  whose  hands  he  may 
chance  to  fall.  If  this  was  not  the  purport  of  the 
proposition  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  that 
the  trade  should  be  denounced  "  as  PIRACY  under 
the  laws  of  nations,  by  the  consent  of  the  civilized 
world,"  we  may  well  ask,  what  did  it  mean  ? 

On  the  24th  June,  1823,  instructions  were  for- 
warded to  our  Minister  in  England,  authorizing 


ABOUT    SLAVE   TRADE.  118 

him  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  Great  Britain  on 
the  subject  of  the  slave  trade,  on  certain  condi- 
tions. "  The  draft  of  a  convention,"  says  the 
Secretary  of  State,  "  is  herewith  enclosed,  which, 
IF  the  British  Government  should  agree  to  treat 
upon  this  subject,  on  the  basis  of  a  legislative 
prohibition  of  the  slave  trade  by  both  parties  un- 
der the  penalties  of  PIRACY,  you  are  authorised 
to  propose  and  conclude." 

Now  it  should  be  remembered,  that  at  this  time 
the  trade  was  not  piratical  by  the  British  laws,  and 
the  English  Ministry  could  not  make  it  so  by  treaty. 
We  therefore  proposed  a  condition  with  which  pos- 
sibly, they  might  not  have  it  in  their  power  to 
comply.  The  ministry,  however,  when  made  ac- 
quainted with  the  condition,  felt  confident  of  the 
acquiescence  of  Parliament.  "  The  British  Pleni- 
potentiaries, says  Mr.  Rush,  in  his  letter  to  the 
Secretary  of  State,  "  gave  their  unhesitating  con- 
sent to  the  principle  of  denouncing  the  traffic  as 
piracy,  provided  we  could  arrive  at  a  common 
mind  on  all  the  other  parts  of  the  plan  proposed." 

The  treaty,  nearly  verbatim,  with  the  draft  sent 
from  Washington,  was  signed  at  London  on  the 
13th  March,  1824  ;  and  a  few  days  afterwards, 
according  to  a  previous  understanding,  and  in  fu!» 
filment  of  the  condition  exacted  by  us,  Parliament 
10* 


114  TREATY  FOF  SUPPRESSION 

passed  an  Act,  declaring  that  all  British  subjects 
found  guilty  of  slave  trading,  "shall  suffer  death 
without  benefit  of  clergy,  and  loss  of  lands,  goods 
and  chattels,  as  PIRATES,  felons  and  robbers  upon 
the  seas,  ought  to  suffer." 

This  treaty  provided  in  substance,  that  the 
cruisers  of  either  party  on  the  coast  of  Africa, 
America,  and  the  West  Indies,  might  seize  slaves 
under  the  flag  of  the  other,  and  send  thorn  home 
to  the  country  to  which  they  belonged,  where 
they  should  be  proceeded  against  as  pirates.  So 
that  in  fact,  the  whole  concession  made  by  us 
to  Great  Britain,  amounted  to  no  more  than  per- 
mitting her  to  arrest  our  pirates,  and  to  deliver 
them  to  our  courts  for  trial ;  and  in  return,  she 
granted  us  precisely  the  same  right  with  respect 
to  her  pirates. 

The  treaty  was  submitted  of  course  to  the  Sen- 
ate for  ratification,  which,  under  the  circumstan- 
ces of  the  case,  one  would  think,  must  have  fol- 
lowed as  a  matter  of  course.  The  Senate,  how- 
ever, thought  otherwise.  The  treaty  was  laid 
before  them  on  the  30th  of  April ;  but  as  they  de- 
layed to  act  upon  it,  the  British  Minister  at  Wash- 
ington became  uneasy,  and  on  the  IGth  of  May, 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State, 
complaining  of  the  postponement  of  the  ratifica- 


OP  AFRICAN   SLAVE   TRADE.  115 

tion,  especially  as  the  project  of  the  convention 
had  originated  with  the  United  States  ;  and  as 
Great  Britain  "had  not  hesitated  an  instant  to 
comply  with  the  preliminary  act  desired  by  the 
President,"  the  legislative  prohibition  of  the  slave 
trade  under  the  penalties  of  piracy." 

The  President  naturally  feeling  his  own  good 
faith  compromitted  by  the  hesitation  of  the  Sen- 
ate, now  sent  them  a  confidential  message,  urging 
the  ratification  of  the  treaty.  He  remarked  that 
the  rejection  of  the  treaty  would  subject  the  Ex- 
ecutive, Congress,  and  the  Nation,  "  to  the  charge 
of  insincerity  respecting  the  great  result  of  the 
final  suppression  of  the  slave  trade.  To  invite  all 
nations  with  the  statute  of  piracy  in  our  hands,  to 
adopt  its  principles  as  the  law  of  nations,  and  yet 
to  deny  to  all  the  common  rights  of  search  for  the 
pirate,  whom  it  would  be  impossible  to  detect 
without  entering  and  searching  the  vessel,  would 
expose  us  not  simply  to  the  charge  of  inconsist- 
ency." 

The  Senate  after  long  debates,  finally  ratified 
the  treaty,  in  a  mutilated  form.  They  struck  out 
the  word,  "America,"  in  the  clause  authorizing  the 
seizure  of  slavers  on  "  the  coasts  of  Africa,  Ame- 
rica, and  the  West  Indies."  They  also  expunged 
the  articles  applying  the  provisions  of  the  treaty, 


116  TREATY    FOR    SUPPRESSION 

to  vessels  chartered,  as  well  as  owned  by  the  citi- 
zens or  subjects  of  either  party  ;  and  to  the  citi- 
zens or  subjects  of  either  party  carrying  on  the 
trade  under  foreign  flags ;  and  they  added  ah  ar- 
ticle authorizing  either  party  to  terminate  the 
treaty  at  any  time,  on  giving  six  months  notice. 

It  will  have  been  observed  from  the  documents 
we  have  quoted,  that  the  slaves  imported  into 
the  United  States,  have  been  chiefly  introduced 
through  the  Spanish  possessions  on  our  southern 
frontiers  ;  slavers  direct  from  Africa,  rarely  hav- 
ing the  hardihood  to  enter  our  ports,  and  discharge 
their  cargoes  ;  while  small  vessels  from  the  West 
Indies,  have  occasionally  found  their  way  into  the 
southern  waters.  Of  course  the  treaty  as  altered 
by  the  Senate,  would  afford  but  little  interruption 
to  this  mode  of  stocking  the  plantations  of  Louisi- 
ana and  the  neighbouring  States. 

As  chartered  vessels  were  excepted,  our  traders 
would  only  have  to  hire  slavers  instead  of  owning 
them,  to  be  exempted  from  the  hazard  of  being 
arrested  and  sent  home  for  trial,  by  British  offi- 
cers ;  or  even  if  on  board  their  own  vessels,  by 
running  up  a.  foreign  fag,  they  would  escape  the 
penalties  of  piracy. 

The  British  Cabinet  refused  to  agree  to  the 
treaty  thus  despoiled  of  all  its  efficiency;  but  with 


OF   AFRICAN    SLAVE  TRADE.  117 

wonderful  simplicity,  they  proposed  to  restrict  the 
right  of  search  on  the  coast  of  America,  to  the 
coast  of  the  southern  States.  This  proposition 
was  of  course,  promptly  rejected  by  our  Minister 
in  England. 

The  British  Government  vainly  cherishing  the 
hope,  that  the  United  States  might  still  consent  to 
some  combined  effort  to  destroy  a  trade  they  pro- 
fessed to  abhor,  offered  through  their  Minister  at 
Washington,  to  consent  to  a  treaty,  word  for  word 
the  same  as  the  one  the  Senate  had  ratified,  with 
the  single  exception  of  restoring  the  word,  "Ame- 
rica." To  this,  Mr.  Clay,  then  Secretary  of  State, 
replied,  that  "  from  the  views  entertained  by  the 
Senate,  it  would  seem  unnecessary  and  inexpedi- 
ent any  longer  to  continue  the  negotiation  respect- 
ing the  slave  convention,  with  any  hope  that  it 
can  assume  a  form  satisfactory  to  both  parties. 
That  a  similar  convention  had  been  formed  with 
Columbia,  on  the  10th  December,  1824,  excepting 
that  the  coast  of  America  was  excepted  from  its 
operation  ;  and  yet,  notwithstanding  this  concilia- 
tory feature,  the  Senate  had  by  a  large  majority 
refused  to  ratify  it."* 

*  The  documents  quoted  on  this  subject,  may  be  found  in  State 
Papers,  1st  Sess.  19  Cong.  vol.  1.  And  in  Reports  of  Commit- 
tees, 1st  Sess.  21  Cong.  vol.  3.  No.  348. 


118  FINAL  DECISION. 

Negotiations  have  since  been  renewed  on  this 
subject ;  and  France  has  united  with  Great  Brit- 
ain, in  urging  the  Cabinet  at  Washington  to  co- 
operate with  them  in  putting  an  end  to  the  Afri- 
can slave  trade.  The  correspondence  has  not 
been  made  public,  but  we  learn  from  the  Edin- 
burgh Review,  for  July,  1836,  that  the  final  answer 
of  the  American  Government  is,  that  "under  nocon- 
dition,  in  no  form,  and  with  no  restriction,  will 
the  United  States  enter  into  any  convention,  or 
treaty,  or  combined  efforts  of  any  sort  or  hind 
with  other  nations,  for  the  suppression  of  this 
traded 

To  our  readers  we  leave  the  task  of  making 
their  own  comments  on  this  history  of  duplicity 
and  hypocrisy ;  and  proceed  to  other  details. 

On  the  2nd  November,  1825,  the  Columbian 
Minister  at  Washington,  in  the  name  of  his  Gov- 
ernment, invited  the  United  States  to  send  dele- 
gates to  a  Congress  of  the  South  American  Re- 
publics, to  be  held  at  Panama.  In  enumerating 
the  topics  to  be  discussed  in  the  proposed  Con- 
gress, he  remarked  :  "  The  consideration  of  means 
to  be  adopted  for  the  entire  abolition  of  the  Afri- 
can slave  trade,  is  a  subject  sacred  to  humanity, 
and  interesting  to  the  policy  of  the  American 
States.  To  effect  it,  their  energetic,  general,  and 


OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT.      119 

uniform  cooperation  is  desirable.  At  the  proposi- 
tion of  the  United  States,  Columbia  made  a  con- 
vention with  them  on  this  subject,  which  has  not 
been  ratified  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States.  Would  that  America  which  does  not  think 
politic  what  is  unjust,  contribute  in  union,  and 
with  common  consent,  to  the  good  of  Africa  !  " 

This  document  was  submitted  to  the  Senate, 
and  on  the  16th  January,  1826,  a  committee  of 
the  Senate  made  a  report  in  relation  to  it,  in 
which  they  observe;  "The  United  States  have 
not  certainly  the  right,  and  ought  never  to  feel  the 
inclination  to  dictate  to  others  who  may  differ 
with  them  on  this  subject,"  (the  slave  trade,)  "  nor 
do  the  committee  see  the  expediency  of  insulting 
other  States  by  ascending  the  moral  chair,  and  pro- 
claiming from  thence  mere  abstract  principles,  of 
the  rectitude  of  which  each  nation  enjoys  the  per- 
fect right  of  deciding  for  itself." 

The  remarks  made  on  this  occasion  by  Mr. 
White,  a  Senator  from  Tennessee,  are  worthy  of 
observation.  "In  these  new  States  (the  S.  Ame- 
rican Republics,)  some  of  them  have  put  it  down 
in  their  fundamental  law,  'that  whoever  owns  a 
slave  shall  cease  to  be  a  citizen.'  Is  it  then  fit 
that  the  United  States  should  disturb  the  quiet  of 
the  southern  and  western  States  upon  any  subject 


120  INTERFERENCE   FOR  CUBA. 

connected  with  slavery  1  I  think  not.  Can  it  be 
the  desire  of  any  prominent  politician  in  the  Uni- 
ted States,  to  divide  us  into  parties  upon  the  sub- 
ject of  slavery  ?  I  hope  not.  Let  us  then  cease 
to  talk  about  slavery  in  this  House ;  let  us  cease  to 
negotiate  upon  any  subject  connected  with  it." 

We  have  seen  most  abundantly,  that  slavehold- 
ers have  no  objection  to  talk  about  slavery  in 
Congress,  or  to  negotiate  about  it  with  foreign  na- 
tions, when  the  object  is  to  guard  their  beloved 
institution  from  danger.  It  is  only  on  the  abomi- 
nations of  the  system,  and  the  means  of  removing 
it,  that  every  tongue  must  be  mute,  and  the  Fed- 
eral Government  passive.  Turning  from  the  con- 
sideration of  our  professions,  as  contrasted  with 
our  conduct  in  regard  to  the  suppression  of  the 
African  slave  trade,  let  us  next  take  a  view  of 

THE  EFFORTS  OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT  TO 
PREVENT  THE  ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY  IN  THE 
ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 

At  the  time  of  the  Congress  of  Panama,  Spain 
was  still  at  war  with  her  late  colonies,  and  of 
course  they  were  authorized  by  every  principle 
of  national  law,  as  well  as  of  self-defence,  to  car- 
ry their  arms  into  the  dominions  of  their  enemy. 


INTERFERENCE   FOR   CUBA.  121 

Cuba  was  at  a  short  distance,  devoted  to  the  roy- 
al cause,  and  affording  a  depot  for  a  naval  force 
ever  ready  to  prey  upon  the  commerce  of  the  re- 
publics. Under  these  circumstances,  Mexico  and 
Columbia  meditated  the  invasion  and  conquest  of 
that  island.  But  these  republics,  on  achieving 
their  own  freedom,  had  given  freedom  to  their 
slaves  ;  and  it  was  probable  that  they  would 
manifest  equal  regard  for  human  rights,  were 
they  to  become  masters  of  Cuba.  These  remarks 
will  explain  the  following  extract  from  the  in- 
structions given  to  the  ministers  appointed  to  re- 
present the  United  States  at  the  Congress  of 
Panama, 

"  It  is  required  by  the  frank  and  friendly  rela- 
tions which  we  most  anxiously  desire  ever  to 
cherish  with  the  new  republics,  that  you  should, 
without  reserve,  explicitly  state  that  the  United 
States  have  too  much  at  stake,  in  the  fortunes  of 
Cuba,  to  allow  them  to  see  with  indifference  a 
war  of  invasion  prosecuted  in  a  desolating  man- 
ner, or  to  see  employed,  in  the  purposes  of  such  a 
war,  one  race  of  the  inhabitants  combatting 
against  another,  upon  principles  and  with  motives 
that  must  inevitably  lead,  if  not  to  the  extermina- 
tion of  one  party  or  the  other,  to  the  most  shock- 
ing excesses.  The  humanity  of  the  United  States 
11 


122  INTERFERENCE  FOR  CUBA. 

• 

in  respect  to  the  weaker,  and  which  in  such  a 
terrible  struggle  would  probably  be  the  suffering 
portion,  and  the  duty  to  defend  themselves  against 
the  contagion  of  such  near  and  dangerous  exam- 
ples, would  constrain  them,  even  at  the  hazard  of 
losing  the  friendship  of  Mexico  and  Columbia,  to 
employ  all  the  means  necessary  to  their  secu- 
rity."* 

The  obvious  meaning  of  all  this,  in  plain  En- 
glish, divested  of  its  diplomatic  circumlocution,  is 
simply  that  the  Federal  Government,  in  order  to 
protect  the  slavery  of  the  South  from  the  shock  it 
might  receive  from  emancipation  in  Cuba,  would, 
if  necessary,  go  to  war  with  our  sister  republics 
to  prevent  the  invasion  of  that  island. 

But  so  long  as  Spain  refused  to  acknowledge 
the  independence  of  her  revolted  colonies,  the 
war  would  be  continued,  Cuba  would  be  exposed 
to  invasion,  and  the  slave  States  to  the  "conta- 
gion" of  emancipation.  Hence  the  cabinet  at 
Washington  became  exceedingly  anxious  to  act 
the  part  of  peace-makers.  Our  Minister  at  St. 
Petersburgh  was  instructed  "  to  endeavour  to  en- 
gage the  Russian  Government  to  contribute  its 

*  Letter  of  Instructions  from  Mr.  Clay,  Secretary  of  State,  to 
Messrs.  Anderson  and  Sargeant,  8th  May,  1826. 


INTERFERENCE  FOR  CUBA,  123 

best  exertions  towards  terminating  the  existing 
contest  between  Spain  and  her  colonies.  From 
the  vicinity  of  Cuba  to  the  United  States,  its  val- 
uable commerce  and  the  nature  of  its  population, 
their  government  cannot  be  indifferent  to  any  po- 
litical change  to  which  that  island  may  be  des- 
tined."* 

Spain  also  was  implored,  through  the  American 
Minister  at  Madrid,  to  be  reconciled  to  her  un- 
dutiful  children.  "  It  is  not  for  the  new  republics" 
said  Mr.  Clay,  in  his  letter  (27th  April,  1825,)  to 
Mr.  Everett,  "that  the  President  wishes  you  to 
urge  upon  Spain  the  expediency  of  concluding 
the  war.  If  the  war  should  continue  between 
Spain  and  the  new  republics,  and  those  islands 
(Cuba  and  Porto  Rico)  should  become  the  object 
and  theatre  of  it,  their  fortunes  have  such  a  con- 
nexion with  the  people  of  the  United  States,  that 
they  could  not  be  indifferent  spectators  ;  and  the 
possible  contingencies  of  a  protracted  war  might 
bring  upon  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
duties  and  obligations,  the  performance  of  which, 
however  painful  it  should  be,  they  might  not  be  at 
liberty  to  dedine."-\ 

*  Letter  from  Mr.  Clay  to  Mr.  Middleton,  10th  May,  1825. 
3  Senate  Documents,  1st  Sess.  19  Cong.  voL  3. 


124  INTERFERENCE  FOR  CDBA. 

The  proposed  invasion  was  abandoned  ;  but 
the  fears  of  our  Government  were  not  allayed. 
The  war  continued,  and  some  contingency  arising 
from  it,  might  give  liberty  to  the  tens  of  thou- 
sands in  Cuba  pining  in  bonds.  A  new  attempt 
was  made  to  induce  Spain  to  remove  the  danger 
by  concluding  the  war.  On  the  22d  October, 
1829,  Mr.  Van  Buren,  then  Secretary  of  State, 
instructed  Mr.  Van  Ness,  our  Minister  in  Spain, 
to  press  upon  that  court  a  reconciliation  with  the 
South  American  republics.  "Considerations,"  he 
remarked,  "  connected  with  a  certain  class  of  our 
population,  make  it  the  interest  of  the  southern  sec- 
tion of  the  Union,  that  no  attempt  should  be  made 
in  that  island  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  Span- 
ish dependence ;  the  first  effect  of  which  would 
be  the  sudden  emancipation  of  a  numerous  slave 
population,  whose  result  could  not  but  be  very  sen- 
sibly felt  upon  the  adjacent  shores  of  the  United 
States." 

Fortunate  is  it  for  the  cause  of  humanity,  that 
the  greatest  republic  upon  earth  had  not  the  pow- 
er to  prevent  "  the  sudden  emancipation  of  a  nu- 
merous slave  population "  in  the  British  West  In- 
dies, on  the  1st  August,  1838;  "whose  result," 
blessed  be  God,  is  and  will  be  "  very  sensibly  felt 
on  the  adjacent  shores  of  the  United  States," 


AVOWALS  IN  CONGRESS.  125 

The  subject  of  the  Panama  mission  was  de- 
bated at  great  length  in  both  Houses  of  Congress, 
and  frequent  allusions  were  made  by  the  speak- 
ers to  Cuba.  Let  us  hearken  to  the  sentiments 
expressed  by  some  of  our  republican  legislators. 

Mr.  RANDOLPH  of  Virginia :  "  Cuba  possesses 
an  immense  negro  population.  In  case  those 
States  (Mexico  and  Columbia)  should  invade  Cuba 
at  all,  it  is  unquestionable  that  this  invasion  will 
be  made  with  this  principle,  —  this  genius  of  uni- 
versal emancipation,  —  this  sweeping  anathema 
against  the  white  population  in  front,  —  and  then, 
sir,  what  is  the  situation  of  the  southern  States  ?'* 

Mr.  JOHNSON  of  Louisiana  :  "  We  know  that 
Columbia  and  Mexico  have  long  contemplated  the 
independence  of  that  island  (Cuba.)  The  final 
decision  is  now  to  be  made,  and  the  combination 
of  forces  and  plan  of  attack  to  be  formed.  What, 
then,  at  such  a  crisis,  becomes  the  duty  of  the 
Government  ?  Send  your  Ministers  instantly  to 
this  diplomatic  assembly,  where  the  measure  is 
maturing.  Advise  with  them  —  remonstrate  — 
MENACE,  if  necessary,  against  a  step  so  dangerous 
to  us,  and  perhaps  fatal  to  them." 

Mr.  BERRIEN  of  Georgia :  "  The  question  to 
be  determined  is  this :  With  a  due  regard  to  the 
safety  of  the  southern  States,  can  you  suffer  these 
11* 


126  AVOWALS  IN  CONGRESS. 

islands  (Cuba  and  Porto  Rico)  to  pass  into  the 
hands  of  BUCANIERS,  drunk  with  their  new- 
born liberty  ?  If  our  interests  and  our  safety  shall 
require  us  to  say  to  these  new  republics,  Cuba 
and  Porto  Rico  must  remain  as  they  are,  we  are 
free  to  say  it,  and  by  the  blessing  of  God  and  the 
strength  of  our  arms,  to  enforce  the  declaration  ; 
and  let  me  say  to  gentlemen,  these  high  consid- 
erations do  require  it.  The  vital  interests  of  the 
South  demand  it." 

These  new  republics  were  stigmatized  by  this 
honourable  gentleman  as  bucaniers  ;  not  that  they 
were  robbers,  but  because  they  had  ceased  to  rob 
the  poor  and  helpless  ;  and  the  evidence  of  their 
being  drunk  with  liberty,  was  their  practical  ac- 
knowledgement of  the  principles  of  human  rights, 
professed  in  our  declaration  of  independence. 

Mr.  FI/OYD  of  Virginia  :  "  So  far  as  I  can  see, 
in  all  its  bearings,  it  (the  Panama  Congress)  looks 
to  the  conquest  of  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico ;  or,  at 
all  events,  of  tearing  them  from  the  Crown  of 
Spain.  The  interests,  if  not  safety  of  our  own 
country,  would  rather  require  us  to  interpose  to 
prevent  such  an  event,  and  I  would  rather  take 
up  arms  to  prevent  than  to  accelerate  such  an 
occurrence."  —  Congressional  Debates,  2d  vol. 

The  facts  and  sentiments  we  have  now  exhib- 


I 


HISTORY  OIF  HAYTI.  127 

ited,  prove  beyond  cavil,  that  this  mighty  repub- 
lic volunteered  to  solicit  the  aid  of  foreign  mon- 
archs  to  perpetuate  slavery  in  Cuba,  and  was 
strongly  disposed  to  incur  the  hazard  and  calami- 
ties of  war  in  the  cause,  —  not  of  liberty,  but  of 
bondage. 

Having  noticed  our  watchful  guardianship  over 
Cuba,  we  will  next  advert  to 

THE  HOSTILITY  OP  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT 

TO  HAYTI. 

• 

To  do  justice  to  this  part  of  our  subject,  we 
must  beg  the  patience  of  the  reader  while  we 
briefly  lay  before  him  a  few  historical  facts. 

The  Island  of  St.  Domingo  was  one  of  the  most 
valuable  colonies  belonging  to  the  crown  of  France. 
It  is  about  450  miles  long,  and  150  wide.     Its 
population  in  1790,  was  estimated  as  follows: 
White  inhabitants,  42,000 

Free  coloured  inhabitants,  44,000 

Slaves,  600,000 

Total,         686,000 

Of  the  free  coloured  inhabitants,  numerically 
equal  with  the  whites,  many  were  men  of  edu- 
cation and  property,  landed  proprietors,  and  the 


128  HISTORY  OP  IIAYTI. 

holders  of  slaves.  Still  they  were  debarred  from 
all  political  privileges  on  account  of  their  com- 
plexion. At  the  commencement  of  the  French 
Revolution,  the  National  Assembly  abolished  this 
discrimination  on  account  of  colour,  and  gave  the 
free  blacks  in  the  colonies,  the  same  civil  rights 
that  were  possessed  by  their  white  brethren.  The 
pride  of  the  latter  led  them  to  refuse  submission  to 
this  humiliating  decree  of  the  mother  country,  and 
a  civil  war  between  the  whites  and  the  free 
blacks,  ensued.  No  interference  whatever  with 
the  rights  of  slaveholders  as  such,  had  at  this  time 
been  attempted,  either  in  France  or  the  colony  ; 
and  the  dissensions  which  convulsed  the  Island, 
for  a  long  time  related  exclusively  to  the  political 
condition  of  the  free  coloured  population.  In  Au- 
gust, 1791,  a  partial  insurrection  of  the  slaves  oc- 
curred, favoured  by  the  quarrels  of  their  masters. 
In  some  instances  the  free  blacks  united  with  the 
whites,  in  their  efforts  to  suppress  the  insurrec- 
tion, and  in  others,  they  availed  themselves  of  the 
aid  of  the  revolted  slaves,  against  the  planters. 

In  J  792,  the  French  Government  sent  over  three 
commissioners  with  6000  troops,  to  enforce  their 
decree  respecting  the  free  blacks,  and  to  restore 
order.  Many  of  the  planters,  however,  still  re- 
sisted ;  while  others  took  sides  with  the  Govern- 


HISTORY  OF  HAYTI.  129 

ment,  and  the  distractions  of  the  Island  were  now- 
aggravated  by  a  civil  war  between  the  whites 
themselves. 

A  portion  of  the  planters,  abhorring  the  attempt 
of  the  Government  to  elevate  the  free  blacks  to 
a  political  equality  with  themselves,  now  intrigued 
with  Great  Britain  to  seize  upon  the  Island,  and 
thus  to  save  them  from  the  degrading  consequen- 
ces of  republican  principles.  In  compliance  with 
their  invitation,  conveyed  through  their  agent, 
M.  Charmilly,  an  expedition  was  fitted  out  at  Ja- 
maica, for  the  capture  of  St.  Domingo ;  and  on 
the  19th  Sept.  1793,  arrived  at  Jeremie.  Only  a 
few  days  before  the  appearance  of  the  British 
fleet  on  the  coast,  one  of  the  French  commission- 
ers, who  happened  at  the  moment  to  be  acting 
alone,  in  the  absence  of  his  colleagues,  having  re- 
ceived intelligence  of  the  intended  invasion,  and 
knowing  the  disaffection  of  the  planters,  issued  a 
hasty  proclamation,  giving  freedom  to  all  the 
slaves,  as  the  only  means  of  preserving  the  col- 
ony from  conquest.* 

The  free  negroes  and  the  manumitted  slaves 
united  in  defending  the  Island  against  the  invaders, 

*  The  ensuing  year,  1794,  by  a  decree  of  the  National  Assem- 
bly, slavery  was  formally  abolished  throughout  all  the  French 
colonies. 


130  HISTORY  OF  HAYTI. 

while  an  army  of  2000  of  the  white  inhabitants, 
ranged  themselves  under  the  British  standard. 
The  French  commissioners  soon  after  returned  to 
France;  great  numbers  of  the  planters  emigrated  ; 
and  the  Island  was  virtually  abandoned  to  the 
blacks,  except  so  much  of  it  as  was  occupied 
by  the  British  troops.  These  troops  were  from 
time  to  time  reinforced  by  detachments  from 
Europe  and  the  West  Indies  —  but  in  vain.  The 
blacks  under  Toussaint,  who  was  appointed  by 
the  government  at  home,  "  Governor  General  of 
the  armies  of  St.  Domingo,"  continued  the  con- 
test for  about  five  years,  and  finally  succeeded  in 
driving  the  English  from  the  Island.  Britain  be- 
ing in  the  meantime  at  war  with  France,  her  na- 
val forces  prevented  all  intercourse  between  the 
colony  and  the  mother  country :  and  the  blacks 
thus  left  to  themselves,  declared  themselves  inde- 
pendent on  the  1st  July,  1798,  and  organized  the 
Government  of  HAYTI. 

The  peace  of  Amiens  afforded  Bonaparte  an 
opportunity  to  attempt  the  subjugation  of  the  Isl- 
and, and  the  reduction  of  its  inhabitants  to  slavery. 

Early  in  Jan.  1802,  a  French  army  of  20,000 
men  were  landed  in  St.  Domingo,  and  various  re- 
inforcements afterwards  followed. 

The  war  was  waged  with  atrocious  cruelty  on 


HOSTILITY  TO  IIAYTI.  131 

the  part  of  the  French,  and  the  blacks,  aided  by 
the  climate,  succeeded  in  destroying  about  40,000 
of  their  enemies  in  eleven  months ;  and  on  the 
19th  of  November,  1802,  the  wrecks  of  the  in- 
vading army  surrendered  to  Dessalines,  the  black 
chief.  Since  this  time,  Hayti  has  continued  an 
independent  nation,  perfectly  inoffensive  in  all  its 
foreign  relations ;  and  its  entire  sovereignty  is  at 
present  fully  acknowledged  by  both  France  and 
England,  and  undisputed  by  any  power  on  earth. 

It  is  now  important  to  inquire,  what  has  been 
the  conduct  of  the  United  States  towards  this 
heroic  republic  ? 

Twelve  years  after  slavery  had  been  abolished 
by  a  decree  of  the  French  Government ;  after 
the  expulsion  of  the  armies  of  England  and  France  ; 
when  for  three  years  not  a  hostile  foot  had  press- 
ed the  soil  of  Hayti ;  when  a  regularly  organized 
government  was  in  full  operation  ;  and  without 
one  solitary  cause  of  complaint  against  the  new 
State,  the  American  Congress  passed  an  act, 
(28th  Feb.  1806,)  "  to  suspend  the  commercial  in- 
tercourse between  the  United  States  and  certain 
parts  of  the  Island  of  St.  Domingo."  These  cer- 
tain parts  were  defined  in  the  act,  to  be  such 
parts  as  were  not  "  in  the  possession  and  under 
the  acknowledgement  of  France  ;"  and  of  course 


132  HOSTILITY  TO  HAYTI. 

included  the  whole  Island.  As  there  was  at  this 
time  no  war  in  fact,  between  Hayti  and  France, 
and  the  latter  was  prevented  by  the  naval  superi- 
ority of  England,  and  her  own  continental  wars, 
from  sending  a  single  soldier  to  Hayti ;  the  sole 
object  of  this  act,  was  to  distress  and  harass  the 
Haytians  by  depriving  them  of  the  bread-stuffs 
and  other  necessaries  they  were  accustomed  to 
receive  from  this  country.  It  was  a  piece  of 
wanton  cruelty,  unrequired  by  the  obligations  of 
neutrality ;  and  demanded  by  France  in  a  tone  of 
arrogance,  which  would  have  secured  its  rejection, 
had  not  the  intended  victims  been  black.  Bona- 
parte, irritated  by  the  loss  of  his  army,  and  the 
defeat  of  his  designs  upon  Hayti,  resolved  to 
starve,  if  possible,  a  people  whom  he  could  not 
conquer ;  and  he  found  in  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, a  willing  instrument  of  his  vengeance.  His 
Minister  at  Washington,  in  a  letter  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  State,  demanded  an  immediate  cessation 
of  the  commerce  between  the  citizens  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  and  "the  rebels  of  St.  Domingo  — 
that  race  of  African  slaves,  the  reproach  and  the 
refuse  of  nature  ;"  and  he  enforced  his  demand 
with  the  information  ;  —  "The  Emperor  and  King, 
my  master,  expects  from  the  dignity  and  candour 
of  the  Government  of  the  Union,  that  an  end  be 


CONGRESS    OF    PANAMA.  133 

put  to  it  promptly."*  The  letter  was  written  in 
January ;  and  in  February  the  act  required  was 
passed,  and  continued  in  force  for  two  years, 

The  invitation  to  the  United  States  to  send 
ministers  to  the  Congress  of  Panama,  has  been 
already  mentioned.  In  the  document  conveying 
the  invitation,  it  was  remarked :  "  On  what  ba- 
sis the  relations  of  Hayti,  and  other  parts  of  our 
hemisphere  that  shall  hereafter  be  in  like  circum- 
stances, are  to  be  placed,  is  a  question  simple  at 
first  view,  but  attended  with  serious  difficulties 
when  closely  examined.  These  arise  from  the 
different  manner  of  regarding  Africans,  and  from 
their  different  rights  in  Hayti,  the  United  States, 
and  in  the  American  States.  This  question  will 
be  determined  at  the  Isthmus."f 

The  invitation  was  accepted,  and  the  instruc- 
tions of  our  ministers  contained  the  following  :  — 
"  Under  the  actual  circumstances  of  Hayti,  the 
President  does  not  think  that  it  would  be  proper 
at  this  time  to  recognise  it  as  a  new  State."J  This, 
be  it  remembered,  was  just  a  quarter  of  a  century 
since  the  Haytiens  had  declared  and  maintained 
their  independence,  and  at  a  moment  when  they 

*  American  State  papers,  5th  vol.  p.  154. 

t  Senate  Documents,  1st  Sess.  19  Cong.  vol.  III. 

t  Letter  of  Mr.  Clay,  Secretary  of  State,  8  May,  1826. 

12 


134  OPINIONS    IN    CONGRESS 

were  enjoying  the  blessings  and  exercising  the 
prerogatives  of  an  independent  State,  and  at  peace 
with  all  the  world.  And  what  motive  prompted 
the  United  States  thus  to  exert  its  influence  to 
prevent  the  Congress  of  Panama  from  recognising 
Hayti  "  as  anew  State?" — none  other  than  the 
apprehension  that  the  admission  of  a  palpable  truth, 
the  independence  of  a  black  Republic,  would  prove 
dangerous  to  the  perpetuity  of  American  slavery. 
Is  this  slander  ?  Let  the  members  of  Congress 
speak  for  themselves.  The  following  sentiments 
were  elicited  in  the  debate  on  the  Panama  mission. 
Mr.  BERRIEN  of  Georgia  : —  "  Consistently  with 
our  own  safety,  can  the  people  of  the  South  permit 
the  intercourse  which  would  result  from  the  estab- 
lishing relations  of  any  sort  with  Hayti  ?  Is  the 
emancipated  slave,  his  hands  yet  reeking"  (thirty- 
two  years  after  slavery  had  been  abolished  by  the 
French  Government)  "  in  the  blood  of  his  mur- 
dered master,  to  be  admitted  into  their  ports,  to 
spread  the  doctrines  of  insurrection,  and  to  strength- 
en and  invigorate  them,  by  exhibiting  in  his  own 
person  an  example  of  successful  revolt  ?  Gentle- 
men must  be  sensible  —  this  cannot  be.  The 
great  principle  of  self-preservation  will  be  arrayed 
against  it.  I  have  been  educated  in  sentiments 
of  habitual  reverence  for  the  Constitution  of  the 


RESPECTING    HAYTt.  13 

United  States :  I  have  been  taught  to  consider 
the  union  of  these  States  as  essential  to  their  safety. 
The  feeling  is  nowhere  more  universal  or  more 
strong  than  among  the  people  of  the  South.  But 
they  have  a  stronger  feeling  —  need  I  name  it? 
Is  there  any  one  who  hears  and  does  not  under- 
stand me  ?  Let  me  implore  gentlemen  not  to  call 
that  feeling  into  action  by  this  disastrous  policy." 
In  plain  English,  the  slaveholders  love  slavery 
more  than  they  do  the  Union  ;  and  would  sacrifice 
the  last,  rather  than  acknowledge  as  free,  a  people 
who  had  once  been  slaves. 

Mr.  BENTON  of  Missouri : — "The  peace  of  eleven 
States  in  this  Union  will  not  permit  the  fruits  of 
a  successful  negro  insurrection  to  be  exhibited 
among  them;  —  it  will  not  permit  the  fact  to  be 
seen  and  told,  that  for  the  murder  of  their  masters 
and  mistresses  they  are  to  find  friends  among  the 
white  people  of  the  United  States." 

Mr.  HAMILTON  of  South  Carolina  :  —  "It  is  pro- 
per that  on  this  occasion  I  should  speak  with 
candour  and  without  reserve  :  that  I  should  avow 
what  I  believe  to  be  the  sentiments  of  the  south- 
ern people  on  this  question,  and  this  is  that  Hay- 
tien  independence  is  not  to  be  tolerated  in  any 
form.  *  *  *  *  A  people  will  not  stop  to  discuss  the 


136  OPINIONS    IN    CONGRESS 

nice  metaphysics  of  a  federative  system,  when 
havoc  and  destruction  menace  them  in  their  doors." 
Mr.  HAYNE  of  South  Carolina: — "With  noth- 
ing connected  with  slavery  can  we  consent  to 
treat  with  other  nations ;  and  least  of  all  ought 
we  to  touch  the  question  of  the  independence  of 
Hayti  in  conjunction  with  the  revolutionary  gov- 
ernments whose  own  history  affords  an  example 
scarcely  less  fatal  to  our  repose.  These  govern- 
ments have  proclaimed  principles  of  liberty  and 
equality,  and  have  marched  to  victory  under  the 
banner  of  universal  emancipation.  You  find  men 
of  colour  at  the  head  of  their  armies,  in  the  Legis- 
lative halls,  and  in  the  Executive  departments. 

*  *  *  *  Qur  policy  with  regard  to  Hayti  is  plain ; 
we  NEVER  can  acknowledge  her  independence. 

*  *  *  *  Let  our  Government  direct  all  our  Minis- 
ters in  South  America  and  Mexico,  to  PROTEST 
against  the  independence  of  Hayti." 

Gentlemen  when  they  talk  in  a  passion,  rarely 
talk  wisely  or  consistently.  Mr.  Hayne  insists 
that  we  cannot  touch  the  question  of  the  independ- 
ence of  Hayti  in  conjunction  with  the  American 
Revolutionary  Governments  ;  and  yet  in  the  next 
breath,  he  is  for  opening  negotiations  with  all  these 
governments  on  this  very  subject.  Almost  every 


RESPECTING    HAYTI.  137 

slaveholder  assures  us  that  the  slaves,  if  emancipa- 
ted, could  not  take  care  of  themselves  ;  and  yet  Mr. 
Hayne  proclaims  the  important  fact,  that  the  ar- 
mies of  these  same  governments  have  "  marched 
to  victory"  with  coloured  men  at  their  head  ;  and 
that  coloured  men  are  found  in  their  Legislative 
halls,  and  Executive  departments  ! 

Mr.  JOHNSON  of  Louisiana  :  — "It  may  be  proper 
to  express  to  the  South  American  States  the  un- 
alterable opinion  entertained  here  in  regard  to 
intercourse  with  them.  The  unadvised  recogni- 
tion of  that  Island,  (Hayti)  and  the  public  recep- 
tion of  their  Ministers,  will  nearly  sever  our  diplo- 
matic intercourse,  and  bring  about  a  separation 
and  alienation  injurious  to  both.  I  deem  it  of  the 
highest  concern  to  the  political  connexion  of  these 
countries,  to  remonstrate  against  a  measure  so 
justly  offensive  to  us,  and  to  make  that  remon- 
strance EFFECTUAL."  —  Congressional  Debates, 
vol.  II. 

Thus  the  gentleman  from  Louisiana  looked  up- 
on the  recognition  of  Hayti  by  other  and  inde- 
pendent States,  as  a  measure  so  offensive  to  us, 
as  to  afford  us  ground  for  quarrelling  with  them. 

We  will  now  advance  twelve  years  in  our  his- 
tory, and  see  if  the  lapse  of  time  has  softened  the 
hatred  of  our  rulers  to  Hayti.  On  the  17th  De- 
12* 


138  OPINIONS  IN   CONGRESS 

cember,  1838,  a  petition  was  presented  to  the 
House  of  Representatives,  praying  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  usual  international  relations  with 
that  republic.  No  sooner  was  the  purport  of  the 
petition  announced,  than  vehement  objections 
were  made  to  it,  and  no  less  than  thirty-two 
members  had  the  hardihood  to  vote  against  even 
its  reception.  They  were,  however,  in  the  mi- 
nority ;  and  on  a  motion  being  made  to  refer  it 
to  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  the 
Chairman  of  that  committee,  himself  a  slavehold- 
er, advocated  the  reference,  as  the  best  way  of 
stifling  the  discussion,  observing  that  "  several 
similar  memorials  had  been  sent  there  the  last 
session,  which  had  never  been  reported  on.  This 
would  take  a  similar  course ;  it  would  never  be 
heard  of  again"  With  this  intimation,  the  peti- 
tion was  referred.  A  motion  was  then  made  to 
instruct  the  committee  to  report  on  the  petition ; 
.but,  to  stop  the  discussion,  the  previous  question 
was  moved,  and  the  motion  denied  by  a  great  ma- 
jority. A  few  extracts  from  the  speeches  deliv- 
ered on  this  occasion  may  be  useful,  as  showing 
the  temper  and  logic  displayed  by  the  southern 
members. 

Mr.  LEGARE  of  South  Carolina :  "  It  (the  peti- 
tion) originates  in  a  design  to  revolutionize  the 


RESPECTING  HAYTI.  139 

South  and  convulse  the  Union,  and  ought  therefore 
to  be  rejected  with  reprobation.  As  sure  as  you 
live,  sir,  if  this  course  is  permitted  to  go  on,  the 
sun  of  this  Union  will  go  down  — it  will  go  down 
in  BLOOD  —  and  go  down  to  rise  no  more.  I 
will  vote  unhesitatingly  against  nefarious  designs 
like  these.  They  are  treason,  —  yes  sir,  I  pro- 
nounce the  authors  of  such  things  traitors  —  trai- 
tors not  to  their  country  only,  but  to  the  WHOLE 

HUMAN  RACE." 

Mr.  WISE  of  Virginia :  "  We  are  called  to  re- 
cognise the  insurrectionists  who  rose  on  their 
French  masters.  A  large  portion  of  those  now  in 
power  in  this  black  republic,  are  slaves  who  cut 
their  masters'  throats.  Christophe  himself  was 
an  insurrectionist  and  a  revolutionist.  Their  Gov- 
ernment has  the  stamp  of  such  an  origin.  And 
will  any  gentleman  tell  me  now,  that  slaves,  aided 
by  an  English  army,  (and  it  is  consolatory  to 
think,  when  we  are  threatened  by  abolitionists 
with  having  our  throats  cut  at  the  South,  that 
these  slaves  in  St.  Domingo,  though  ten  to  one  in 
number,  never  could  have  succeeded  in  insurrec- 
tion but  for  the  aid  of  the  British  army,)  ought  to 
be  recognised  by  this  Government,  and  that  theii 
being  such  is  no  argument  against  it  ?  No,  it  is 
the  abolition  spirit  alone  which  would  have  us 


140  BRITISH  ARMY  IN  HAYTI. 

say  to  these  men,  whose  hands  are  yet  red  with 
their  masters'  blood :  « You  shall  be  recognised 
as  freemen ;  we  wish  to  establish  international 
relations  with  you.'  Never  will  I  —  never  will 
my  constituents  be  forced  into  this.  This  is  the 
only  body  of  men  who  have  emancipated  them- 
selves by  butchering  their  masters.  They  have 
long  been  free,  I  admit ;  yet,  if  they  had  been 
free  for  centuries,  —  if  Time  himself  should  con- 
front me,  and  shake  his  hoary  locks  at  my  oppo- 
sition,—  I  should  say  to  him,  I  owe  more  to  my 
constituents  —  to  the  quiet  of  my  people  —  than  I 
owe  or  can  owe  to  mouldy  prescriptions,  however 
ancient." 

The  consolation  enjoyed  by  this  gentleman, 
from  the  conviction  that  the  Haytiens  are  indebted 
to  a  British  army  for  their  liberty,  is  not  a  little 
ludicrous.  There  has  never  been  but  one  British 
army  in  Hayti,  and  that  was  sent  for  the  purpose, 
not  of  emancipation,  but  of  conquest ;  and  instead 
of  aiding  the  blacks,  it  was  joined  by  two  thou- 
sand of  the  planters,  who  looked  to  it  as  the 
means  by  which  they  were  to  recover  their  au- 
thority over  their  former  slaves.  Yet  this  army, 
thus  aided,  found  itself  vanquished  by  the  despised 
blacks  ;  and  in  May,  1798,  under  Brigadier  Gene- 
ral Maitland,  capitulated  to  Toussaint,  the  black 


CONDITION  OF  HAYTI.  141 

General.  The  history  of  St.  Domingo  affords 
much  and  valuable  instruction  to  slaveholders,  but 
certainly  very  little  consolation. 

It  may  not  be  uninteresting  to  state  a  few  facts 
relative  to  the  present  condition  of  a  republic 
which  so  powerfully  excites  the  apprehensions  of 
southern  gentlemen,  and  to  the  magnitude  of  the 
commerce  which  our  northern  politicians  are  wil- 
ling to  sacrifice  for  southern  votes. 

The  advocates  of  slavery  are  fond  of  represent- 
ing the  Haytiens  as  a  horde  of  barbarians.  We 
therefore  give  the  following  evidence,  published 
by  the  British  Parliament,  and  taken  before  one 
of  its  committees. 

Evidence  of  Vice  Admiral,  the  Hon.  Charles 
Fleming,  Member  of  Parliament :  —  "  He  could 
not  speak  positively  of  the  increase  of  the  Hay- 
tien  population  since  1804,  but  believed  it  had 
trebled  since  that  time.*  They  now  feed  them- 
selves, and  the}7  export  provisions  which  neither 
the  French  nor  the  Spaniards  had  ever  done  before. 
He  saw  a  sugar  estate  near  Cape  Haytien,  Gen- 
eral Boulon's,  extremely  well  cultivated  and  in 
beautiful  order.  A  new  plantation  was  forming 

*  By  the  census  of  1824,  the  population  was  stated  at  935,000. 
It  is  unquestionably  upwards  of  a  million  at  the  present  time. 


142  PRESENT  CONDITION 

on  the  opposite  side  of  the  road.  Their  victuals 
were  very  superior  to  those  in  Jamaica,  consist- 
ing chiefly  of  meat  —  cattle  being  very  cheap. 
He  saw  no  marks  of  destitution  any  where.  The 
country  seemed  improving,  and  trade  increasing. 
The  estate  he  visited  near  the  Cape  was  large  ; 
it  was  calculated  to  make  300  hogsheads  of  su- 
gar. It  was  as  beautifully  laid  out  and  as  well 
managed  as  any  estate  he  had  seen  in  the  West 
Indies.  His  official  correspondence  as  Admiral, 
with  the  Haytien  Government,  made  him  attribute 
much  efficiency  to  it,  and  it  bore  strong  marks  of 
civilization.  There  was  a  better  police  in  Hayti 
than  in  the  new  South  American  States  ;•  the 
communication  was  more  rapid  ;  the  roads  much 
better.  One  had  been  cut  from  Port-au-Prince 
to  Cape  Haytien  that  would  do  honour  to  any 
country.  A  regular  port  was  established.  The 
government  is  one  quite  worthy  of  a  civilized 
people." 

In  1831,  the  imports  into  France  from  Hayti 
exceeded  in  value  the  imports  from  Sweden, 
Denmark,  the  Hanseatic  Towns,  Holland,  Aus- 
tria, Portugal,  the  French  West  Indies,  or  China. 
—  McCulloch's  Dictionary  of  Commerce,  p.  637. 

In  1833,  the  imports  from  Hayti  into  the  Uni- 
ted States  exceeded  in  value  our  imports  from 


OF  HAYTI.  143 


Prussia,  Sweden  and  Norway,  Denmark  and  the 
Danish  West  Indies,  Ireland  and  Scotland,  Hol- 
land, Belgium,  Dutch  West  Indies,  British  West 
Indies,  Spain,  Portugal,  all  Italy,  Turkey  and  the 
Levant,  or  any  one  of  the  South  American  re- 
publics. And  what  protection  is  afforded  to  this 
commerce  by  the  Federal  Government  —  a  Gov- 
ernment willing  to  negotiate  in  every  court  of 
Europe  for  compensation  for  shipwrecked  or  fu- 
gitive negroes  ?  "  Our  trade  with  Hayti  is  embar- 
rassed ;  it  is  subjected  to  severe  discriminating 
duties.  We  are  probably  the  least  favoured  of 
any  people  in  the  ports  of  the  republic.  Tonnage 
duties  and  vexatious  port  charges  discourage  and 
oppress  our  commerce  there.  I  am  assured  that, 
but  for  these  impediments,  the  trade  from  this 
country  with  that  would  be  greatly  extended. 
The  acknowledged  cause  of  all  the  embarrass- 
ments to  that  trade  is  found  in  the  fact,  that  our 
Government  refuses  to  recognise  the  Government 
of  Hayti.  We  stand  aloof,  as  if  they  were  a  law- 
less tribe  of  savages.  While  all  other  powers 
have  long  since  acknowledged  them  as  an  inde- 
pendent Sovereignty,  we  refuse  to  recognise 
them.  Others  profit  by  their  commerce  at  our 
expense.  We  have  no  representative  at  the  isl- 
and of  any  grade,  nor  have  they  a  public  officer 


144  TEXAS. 

accredited  here.  No  commercial  relation,  there- 
fore, exists  between  the  two  Governments."  — 
Speech  of  Mr.  Grennell  in  H.  of  R.,  18th  Decem- 
ber, 1838. 

If  the  treatment  which  Hayti  has  received  from 
the  United  States,  evinces  the  hatred  of  our  re- 
public to  emancipation,  we  have  a  proof  no  less 
strong  of  its  attachment  to  slavery,  in 

THE  CONDUCT  OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT 
TOWARDS  TEXAS. 

In  1829,  the  Republic  of  Mexico  having  achieved 
her  own  independence,  gave  liberty  to  every  slave 
within  her  limits.  This  State  had  a  vast  and 
fertile,  but  thinly  peopled  territory,  adjacent  to 
Louisiana.  In  this  territory  within  a  few  years 
past,  a  large  number  of  adventurers  from  the  Uni- 
ted States,  had  taken  up  their  residence  with  the 
consent,  and  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Mexico. 
These  adventurers  sighed  for  the  sweets  of  sla- 
very, which  they  had  enjoyed  in  their  native  land ; 
and  as  the  soil  was  adapted  to  the  cotton  cultiva- 
tion, they  became  restless  under  the  requirement 
of  the  Government,  either  to  till  it  themselves, 
or  honestly  to  pay  those  who  tilled  it  for  them. 
Hence,  they  conceived  the  idea  of  transferring 


145 


their  allegiance  from  Mexico,  to  another  repub- 
lic less  tenacious  of  human  rights.     Nor  was  a 
large  portion  of  that  other  republic  less  anxious 
to  acquire  a  new  market  for  slaves,  and  a  new 
territory  which  would  give  to  the  slaveholding 
interest  a  preponderance  in  the  national  councils. 
Judge  Upshur  in  1829,  remarked  in  the  Virginia 
Convention:  "If  Texas  should  be  obtained,  which 
he  strongly  desired,  it  would  raise  the  price  of 
slaves,  and  be  a  great  advantage  to  the  slavehold- 
ers in   that  State ;"    and  in  1832,  Mr.  Gholston 
declared  in  the  Virginia  Legislature,  that  "he  be- 
lieved the  acquisition  of  Texas  would  raise  the 
price  of  slaves  fifty  per  cent,  at  least."     Virginia, 
it  will    be  recollected,  is  a  breeding   State,  and 
therefore  interested  in  the  opening  of  a  new  mar- 
ket.    The  planting  States  have  no  wish  to  raise 
the  price  of  slaves,  but  are  deeply  concerned  for 
the  perpetuity  of  the  system.     One  of  their  dis- 
tinguished politicians  published  a  series  of  essays 
on  the  policy  of  annexing  Texas  to  the  United 
States ;   a  territory,  which   he    contended,  was 
large  enough  to  be  divided  into  nine  slave  States, 
which  would  counterbalance  the  increasing  num- 
ber of  free  States  at  the  North. 

The  Federal  Government  ever  ready  to  pro- 
mote the  slaveholding  interest,  commenced  a  ne- 
13 


146  INVASION  OF  TEXAS 

gotiation  for  the  purchase  of  Texas,  and  offered 
four  millions  of  dollars  for  the  territory.*  The 
offer  was  promptly  rejected,  and  other  means 
were  resorted  to. 

Texan  land  companies  were  formed  at  the 
North,  for  the  sale  of  extensive  tracts  of  land, 
said  to  have  been  obtained  by  grants,  from  the 
Mexican  Government.  Capitalists, politicians,  and 
demagogues  participated  in  these  splendid  schemes 
of  speculation,  and  became  vociferous  in  the  cause 
of  Texan  liberty.  At  the  same  time,  crowds  of 
emigrants  repaired  to  the  territoty,  many  carrying 
their  slaves  with  them.  At  last,  these  men  feel- 
ing themselves  strong  enough,  raised  the  standard 
of  rebellion  in  September,  1835,  and  on  the  2dof  the 
succeeding  March,  issued  their  declaration  of  in- 
dependence. The  Mexicans  of  course,  endea- 
voured to  quell  the  insurrection;  but,  although 
nominally  fighting  with  their  own  subjects,  they 
were  in  fact  contending  against  aw  invasion  from 
the  United  States.  The  truth  of  this  assertion  will 
scarcely  be  questioned  :  yet  it  may  be  well  to  sup- 
port it  by  a  few  facts.  The  following  extracts 
from  the  journals  of  the  day,  will,  it  is  presumed, 
be  sufficient. 

*  See  instructions  from  Mr.  Van  Buren,  Secretary  of  State,  to 
Mr.  Poinsett,  Minister  to  Mexico,  August  25, 1829. 


FROM  THE   UNITED  STATES.  147 

"  Who  will  go  to  Texas?  —  Major  J.  W.  Har- 
vey of  Lincolnton,  has  been  authorized  by  me, 
with  the  consent  of  Major-General  Hunt,  an  agent 
in  the  .western  counties  of  North  Carolina,  to  re- 
ceive and  enrol  volunteer  emigrants  to  Texas ; 
and  will  conduct  such  as  may  wish  to  emigrate  to 
that  Republic,  about  the  1st  of  October  next,  at 
the  expense  of  the  Republic  of  Texas. 

J.  P.  HENDERSON, 
Brig.  Gen.  of  the  Texan  Army." 
North  Carolina  Paper. 

"  Three  hundred  Men  for  Texas.  —  Gen.  Dun- 
lap  of  Tennessee,  is  about  to  proceed  to  Texas, 
with  the  above  number  of  men.  The  whole  corps 
are  now  at  Memphis.  Every  man  is  completely 
armed,  the  corps  having  been  originally  raised  for 
the  Florida  war.  This  force  we  have  no  doubt, 
will  be  able  to  carry  every  thing  before  it." 
—  Viclisburg  (Miss.)  Register. 

11  Since  early  last  winter,  a  series  of  transactions 
have  passed  before  us  in  open  day,  the  undisguised 
object  of  which  has  been  to  enlist  troops,  and 
procure  arms  to  aid  the  Texans  in  their  war  with 
Mexico.  Troops  have  been  enlisted  —  arms  have 
been  obtained.  Their  military  parades  have  been 
exhibited  in  our  streets  —  they  have  embarked  at 


148  INVASION  OF  TEXAS. 

our  wharf — have  proceeded  to  Texas  —  united 
themselves  with  her  troops,  and  joined  with  them 
in  war  against  Mexico.  Is  it  not  a  fact  that  every 
stand  of  public  arms  deposited  at  this  place  by 
the  State,  have  been  sent  to  Texas,  with  the  con- 
nivance of  those  who  had  charge  of  them  ?" 
—  Cincinnati  Gazette. 


Meetings  were  held  in  various  places,  and 
speeches  made,  and  resolutions  passed  in  favour 
of  the  Texan  patriots. 

At  a  meeting  in  Cincinnati,  of  the  friends  of 
Texas,  it  was  resolved  :  "  That  no  law  either  hu- 
man or  divine,  except  such  as  are  formed  by  ty- 
rants for  their  sole  benefit,  forbids  our  assisting 
the  Texans ;  and  such  law,  if  any  exists,  we  do 
not  as  Americans  choose  to  obey." 

The  Federal  Government  far  from  taking  any 
efficient  measures  to  arrest  this  invasion  of  a 
friendly  and  neighbouring  State,  sent  an  imposing 
force  under  Gen.Ga'mes,intothe Mexican  territory, 
under  the  pretence  of  protecting  the  frontiers  !  — 
With  what  result  is  shown  by  the  following  article. 

From  the  Pensacola  Gazette. 
"  About  the  middle  of  last  month,  Gen.  Gaines 
sent  an  officer  of  the  United  States  army  into 
Texas,  to   reclaim   some   deserters.     He    found 


SLAVERY  ESTABLISHED.  149 

them  already  enlisted  in  the  Texan  service  to  the 
number  of  two  hundred.  They  still  wore  the  uni- 
form of  our  army,  but  refused  of  course  to  return. 
The  commander  of  the  Texan  army  was  applied 
to,  to  enforce  their  return,  but  his  only  reply  was, 
that  the  soldiers  might  go,  but  that  he  had  no  au- 
thority to  send  them  back.  This  is  a  new  view 
of  our  Texan  relations." 

The  adventurers  in  Texas  had  no  sooner  setup 
themselves,  than  they  adopted  a  constitution,  in 
which  they  aimed, —  first,  to  secure  themselves 
and  their  children  for  ever,  the  blessings  of  sla- 
very ;  and  secondly,  to  acquire  the  aid  and  pro- 
tection of  the  United  States.  The  first  object 
was  to  be  attained  by  a  constitutional  prohibition 
of  both  private  and  legislative  emancipation  ;  and 
by  making  it  a  fundamental  law  of  the  Republic, 
that  no  free  black  or  mulatto  person  should  re- 
side within  its  boundaries ;  and  the  second  object, 
by  giving  to  the  United  States  in  perpetuity,  a 
monopoly  of  the  slave  market  in  Texas,  —  the  im- 
portation of  slaves  from  any  other  country,  being 
absolutely  prohibited,  thus  promising  to  realize  the 
golden  visions  of  the  Virginia  breeders. 

A  feverish  impatience  now  pervaded  the  south- 
ern States  for  the  acknowledgement  of  Texan  in- 
dependence ;  —  an  impatience  in  which  the  north- 
13* 


150  MANAGEMENT  TO  EFFECT 

ern  speculators  fully  participated.  Acknowledge- 
ment it  was  seen,  must  precede  annexation,  since 
the  latter  could  only  be  effected  by  a  treaty  with 
Texas  as  an  independent  power.  Still  policy  re- 
quired that  this  measure  should  be  cautiously 
managed,  lest  the  North  should  become  alarmed 
at  this  scheme  for  vesting  the  whole  political 
power  of  the  Union  in  the  hands  of  the  slave- 
holders, and  the  northern  members  of  Congress 
be  found  for  once  refractory. 

Congress  met  in  December,  1836,  and  on  the 
22d  of  the  same  month,  President  Jackson  sent 
them  a  special  message  in  relation  to  Texas.  He 
remarked :  "  Prudence  seems  to  dictate  that  we 
should  still  stand  aloof,  and  maintain  our  present  at- 
titude, if  not  till  Mexico,  or  one  of  the  great  foreign 
powers  shall  recognise  the  independence  of  the 
new  Government,  at  least  until  the  lapse  of  time, 
or  the  course  of  events  shall  have  proved  beyond 
all  cavil  or  dispute,  the  ability  of  that  country  to 
maintain  their  separate  sovereignty,  and  to  uphold 
the  Government  constituted  by  them. ' 

This  message  dissipated  all  apprehensions  on  the 
part  of  the  friends  of  freedom,  of  a  speedy  ac- 
knowledgement, and  relieved  Congress  from  the 
remonstrances  and  petitions  with  which  their  ta- 
bles would  otherwise  have  been  loaded. 


THE  RECOGNITION  OF  TEXAS.        151 

It  was  obvious,  however,  that  if  we  could  con- 
trive to  become  embroiled  in  a  war  with  Mexi- 
co, we  might  then  seize  upon  Texas,  and  hold  it 
by  right  of  conquest,  without  any  violation  of  our 
neutral  obligations:  and  that  by  this  process,  the 
annexation  might  be  effected  with  even  more  fa- 
cility than  by  a  compact  with  Texas  as  an  inde- 
pendent power.  Accordingly  about  two  weeks 
after  the  late  message,  the  President  sent  another 
to  Congress  on  our  grievances  against  Mexico  — 
grievances  about  which  the  people  at  large  knew 
and  cared  nothing.  This  message  recommended 
the  passage  of  a  law  authorizing  the  President  to 
employ  a  naval  force  against  Mexico  if  she  re- 
fused "  to  come  to  an  amicable  adjustment  of  the 
matters  in  controversy  between  us,  upon  another 
demand  thereof,  made  from  on  board  one  of  our 
vessels  of  war  on  the  coast  of  Mexico"  This 
proposition  was  coldly  received,  neither  Congress 
nor  the  nation  seeming  to  approve  of  such  a  no- 
vel and  summary  way  of  declaring  war ;  and  no 
one  having  the  slightest  desire  for  war,  except 
those  who  wrere  anxious  for  the  annexation.  It 
being  found  that  a  war  could  not  be  had,  another 
game  was  played.  The  session  was  to  close  on 
the  3d  March.  The  strongest  opposition  to  Texas 
was  to  be  apprehended  in  the  Lower  House. 


152  MANAGEMENT  TO  EFFECT 

Four  days  before  the  termination  of  the  session, 
a  motion  was  there  made  to  add  a  clause  to  the 
appropriation  bill,  making  provision  for  the  salary 
of  a  diplomatic  agent  to  Texas.  There  was  no 
time  for  long  speeches,  and  the  motion  was 
adopted  with  the  amendment  "  to  be  sent  by  the 
President  whenever  he  shall  receive  satisfactory 
evidence  that  Texas  is  an  independent  power, 
and  shall  see  fit  to  open  a  diplomatic  intercourse 
with  her."  The  late  message  proved  that  the 
President  had  not  yet  received  "  the  satisfactory 
evidence,"  and  anticipated  it  only  from  the  action 
of  the  great  foreign  powers,  or  "  the  lapse  of 
time."  Little  hesitation  therefore  was  felt  in 
leaving  the  subject  under  the  control  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive. The  House  of  Representatives,  in  which 
there  was  a  majority  of  northern  members,  hav- 
ing been  thus  managed,  and  a  salary  secured  for 
a  Minister  to  Texas ;  the  veil  was  thrown  aside 
in  the  Senate,  and  two  days  before  the  end  of  the 
session,  it  was  "  Resolved,  that  the  State  of  Texas, 
having  established  and  maintained  an  independent 
government,  capable  of  performing  those  duties, 
foreign  and  domestic,  which  appertain  to  inde- 
pendent governments,  and  it  appearing  that  there 
is  no  longer  any  reasonable  prospect  of  the  suc- 
cessful termination  of  the  war  by  Mexico  against 


THE  RECOGNITION  OF  TEXAS.        153 

said  State,  it  is  expedient  and  proper,  and  in  con- 
formity with  the  laws  of  nations  and  the  prece- 
dents of  this  Government  in  like  cases,  that  the 
independent  political  existence  of  said  State,  be 
acknowledged  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States." 

As  the  whole  tenour  of  this  resolution  was  in  di- 
rect opposition  to  the  message  of  the  22d  Decem- 
ber, and  as  nothing  had  occurred  since  that  date 
to  weaken  the  positions  assumed  in  the  message, 
one  of  the  Senators  in  opposing  the  resolution, 
very  naturally  alluded  to  the  views  entertained 
by  the  President.  On  this,  Mr.  Walker,  a  Sena- 
tor from  Mississippi,  rose  in  his  place  and  de- 
clared, that  "  he  had  it  from  the  President's  own 
lips,  that  if  he  were  a  Senator,  he  would  vote  for 
this  resolution  ! !" 

At  eleven  o'clock  of  the  night  of  the  3d  March, 
an  hour  before  his  term  of  office  expired,  and  just 
as  the  Senate  was  about  adjourning,  the  Presi- 
dent sent  them  the  nomination  of  a  Minister  to 
Texas. 

The  conduct  of  the  Federal  Government  to- 
wards Texas  and  Hayti,  places  in  a  strong  light 
the  influence  of  slavery  on  our  national  councils. 
The  latter  State  has  been  independent  both  in 
name  and  in  fact  for  thirty-seven  years,  yet  we 


.     - 


154  DIFFERENCE  OF  CONDUCT 

still  refuse  to  recognise  her.  Twelve  months  af- 
ter Texas  declared  her  independence,  she  was 
received  by  us  into  the  family  of  nations,  and 
honoured  by  an  interchange  of  diplomatic  agents. 
For  thirty-five  years,  the  soil  of  Hayti  has  not 
been  trodden  by  an  invader ;  only  ten  months 
before  the  acknowledgement  of  Texas,  a  Mexican 
army  was  carrying  terror  and  destruction  through 
its  territory.  That  army  had  indeed  been  de- 
feated, but  another  was  preparing  to  renew  the 
contest.  Hayti  had  long  been  at  peace  with  all 
the  world.  Mexico  claimed  Texas  as  its  own, 
and  solemnly  avowed  its  determination  to  chas- 
tise and  suppress  the  revolt.  Hayti  achieved  her 
independence  after  a  long  and  arduous  struggle 
with  powerful  armies,  and  has  a  population  of  a 
million  to  maintain  it.  Texas,  when  acknowledg- 
ed, could  appeal  only  to  the  fortunate  result  of  a 
single  battle  as  evidence  of  her  national  power, 
while  she  had  no  more  than  60,000  inhabitants 
to  contend  against  the  eight  millions  of  Mexico. 
With  Hayti,  we  had  a  large  and  valuable  com- 
merce, while  our  commerce  with  Texas  was  only 
in  expectancy.  Yet  has  slavery  estranged  our 
Government  from  the  one  nation,  and  led  it  to 
welcome  to  its  embrace  another,  incomparably 
inferior  in  political  strength  and  moral  worth. 


TOWARDS   HAYTI  AND  TEXAS.  155 

The  indecent  haste  with  which  Texas  was  ac- 
knowledged, and  the  trickery  by  which  the  ac- 
knowledgement was  effected,  were  prompted  by 
the    desire   of  annexation.     A   southern  journal 
speaks  thus  frankly  on  the  subject.     "  Does  any 
sober  observer  contend  —  can  he  in  the  face  of 
facts,  that  Texas  has  substantially,  according  to 
the  usages  of  nations,  accomplished  her  indepen- 
dence ?     Was  there  not  an  even  chance,  to  put 
the  matter  on  the  most  favourable  footing,  that 
the  victory  of  Jacinto  might  this  campaign  be  re- 
versed ?     But  natural  feeling  has  outstripped  the 
prudence  of  our  Government,  usually  discreet  and 
judicious,  and  social  sympathy  has  done  what  po- 
litical precedent,  and  possibly  expediency,  might 
not  have  sanctioned.     The  debate  in  the  British 
Parliament  shows  how  well  State  papers  and  offi- 
cial ceremonies  "  (viz.  the  President's  Message,) 
"  may  delude,  or  seem  to  delude  foreign  govern- 
ments.    While  Lord  Palmerston  and   O'Connel 
were  defending  our  Government  from  any  im- 
proper haste  in  acknowledging  the  independence 
of  Texas,  the  deed  is  consummated  !"  —  The  Port 
Gibson  (Miss.)  Southerner. 

The  whole  slave  region,  with  scarcely  an  ex- 
ception, demanded  a  union  with  the  new  State. 
"  The  very  reasons,"  said  the  Charleston  Mercu- 


156  EFFORTS  TO  EFFECT 

ry,  "  so  intemperately  urged  by  the  North  against 
it,  that  it  will  increase  the  political  weight  of  the 
southern  States,  and  perpetuate  and  extend  the 
curse  of  slavery,  are  our  best  reasons  for  it" 

The  legislatures  of  South  Carolina,  Mississippi, 
and  Tennessee,  all  passed  resolutions  in  favour  of 
the  annexation.  Many  individuals  at  the  North 
had  likewise  a  deep  pecuniary  interest  in  the 
question.  They  had  speculated  largely  in  ^exas 
lands,  but  their  title  would  be  of  but  little  value, 
so  long  as  they  depended  on  the  faith  of  the  law- 
less adventurers  who  possessed  the  country. — 
Could  that  country  be  received  into  the  Union, 
and  subjected  to  the  acts  of  Congress  and  the  ju- 
risdiction of  the  Supreme  Court,  their  purchases 
might  ensure  to  themselves  or  their  families, 
princely  estates.  A  writer  in  the  Salem  Gazette, 
(Mass.)  probably  a  speculator,  in  vindicating  the 
annexation,  thus  appealed  to  the  avarice  of  New- 
England.  "  It  is  calculated  that  the  value  of  one 
kind  of  property  in  the  South,  slaves,  will  be  en- 
hanced so  much,  that  that  portion  of  our  country 
will  realize  one  or  two  hundred  millions  of  dol- 
lars ;  and  the  South  cannot  be  enriched  without 
benefiting  the  North  —  the  money  will  naturally 
come  here  at  last" 

The  people  of  Texas  were  no  less  desirous  of 


ANNEXATION  OP  TEXAS.  157 

annexation  than  southern  slaveholders,  or  north- 
ern speculators.  The  plan  of  union  was  avowed 
from  almost  the  very  commencement  of  the  re- 
bellion. In  August,  1836,  S.  F.  Austin,  in  an  ad- 
dress offering  himself  as  a  candidate  for  the  Pres- 
idency, told  the  people  :  —  "I  am  in  favour  of  the 
annexation,  and  will  do  all  in  my  power  to  effect 
it  with  the  least  possible  delay."  W.  H.  Jack,  a 
candidate  for  the  legislature,  declared :  "  I  am 
decidedly  and  unequivocally  in  favour  of  annex- 
ing Texas  to  the  United  States."  Gen.  Houston, 
the  Commander-in-chief,  intimated  that  "the  an- 
nexation was  essential  to  the  interests  of  the  new 
country."  The  Texan  Congress  resolved,  "that 
the  President  of  the  Republic  of  Texas  be  em- 
powered and  authorized  to  despatch  a  commis- 
sioner or  commissioners  to  the  United  States  of 
America,  to  obtain  a  negotiation  of  our  indepen- 
dence, and  enter  into  a  treaty  with  that  Govern- 
ment for  a  union  on  a  footing  with  the  original 
States."  The  first  condition  prescribed  for  this 
proposed  union,  was,  "THE  FREE  AND  UNMOLESTED 

AUTHORITY  OVER  THEIR   SLAVE  POPULATION  !" 

On  the  4th  August,  1837,  the  negotiation  was 

opened  by  the  Texan  Minister  at  Washington,  by 

a  proposition  "  to  unite  the  two  people  under  one 

and  the  same  government."     The  acceptance  of 

14 


158  ANNEXATION    OF   TEXAS. 

this  proposition  would  of  course  have  been  equiva- 
lent to  a  declaration  of  war  against  Mexico ;  a 
responsibility  which  Mr.  Van  Buren  did  not  see 
fit  to  assume,  especially  in  the  recess  of  Congress. 
He  declined  entering  into  the  negotiation,  on  the 
grounds  that  the  United  States  were,  at  present, 
at  peace  with  Mexico,  and  that  that  power  had  not 
acknowledged  the  independence  of  Texas.  As 
this  answer  merely  postponed  the  annexation  on 
account  of  an  obstacle  easily  removed,  it  was  en- 
tirely satisfactory  to  the  South,  and  the  more  so 
as  the  President's  message  to  Congress  on  the 
£th  of  the  ensuing  December,  wore  a  very  belli- 
gerent aspect  towards  Mexico. 

This  formal  attempt  at  annexation  roused  the 
fears  of  the  North,  and  innumerable  remonstrances 
against  the  measure  were  presented  to  Congress. 
In  the  meantime  Mexico,  by  proposing  a  submis- 
sion of  her  differences  with  the  United  States  to 
arbitration,  removed  all  pretence  for  immediate 
war.  Under  these  circumstances,  the  southern 
delegation  in  Congress  thought  it  most  prudent 
not  to  press  the  annexation.  The  Texans,  more- 
over, finding  themselves  unmolested  by  Mexico, 
who  had  become  involved  in  war  with  France; 
and  observing  the  strong  hostility  manifested  to- 
wards the  measure  in  the  United  States,  formally 


TEXAN  AND  CANADIAN  REBELS.       159 

withdrew  her  application  for  admission  into  the 
Union.  It  is  folly,  however,  to  suppose  that  the 
project  of  annexation  is  abandoned  either  by  the 
South,  or  by  Texas ;  nor  does  it  need  the  gift  of 
prophecy  to  foresee  that  the  first  favourable  op- 
portunity of  making  war  upon  Mexico,  will  be 
readily  embraced  by  the  Federal  Government. 
Should  such  a  war  be  effected,  the  dominion  of 
the  WHIP  may,  perhaps,  be  extended  from  Mary- 
land to  Panama. 

It  may  not  be  amiss  here  to  compare  the  conduct 
of  the  Federal  Government  towards  the  Texan  and 
the  Canadian  rebels.  The  first  were  slaveholders 
re-establishing  slavery  on  a  soil  from  which  it  had 
been  banished ;  and  they  enjoyed  from  the  first 
the  sympathy  of  our  government,  who  took  care 
to  interpose  no  real  obstacle  to  an  invasion  on 
their  behalf  from  the  United  States :  while  for 
the  purpose  of  aiding  them  it  laboured  to  excite 
an  immediate  war  with  Mexico.  The  Canadian 
rebels  were  professedly  fighting  for  liberty,  and 
should  they  succeed,  there  was  no  probability  that 
negro  slavery  would  crown  their  triumph.  They, 
like  the  Texans,  looked  to  us  for  aid  ;  but  the 
President,  now  alive  to  the  obligations  of  neu- 
trality, and  finding  the  existing  laws  insufficient 
to  enforce  them,  applied  to  Congress  and  received 


160  MEXICO    AN1)    GREAT    BRITAIN. 

additional  powers.  Troops  were  sent  to  the 
frontiers,  not  to  swell  by  desertion  the  ranks  of 
the  rebels,  but  in  good  faith,  forcibly  to  prevent 
American  citizens  from  abetting  the  revolt.  A 
war  with  Mexico  was  desired  by  the  slavehold- 
ers, and  the  President  was  for  negotiating  on 
board  an  armed  vessel.  A  war  with  Great  Bri- 
tain, emphatically  an  anti-slavery  nation,  is  now 
viewed  with  horror  and  dismay  by  the  whole 
South,*  and  the  Executive  has  sedulously  endeav- 
oured to  avoid  it. 

We  have  now  presented  numerous  instances 
of  the  action  of  the  Federal  Government  in  be- 
half of  slavery ;  but  our  task  is  not  completed. 
We  are  still  to  view  that  Government,  which,  in 
the  language  of  the  Constitution,  was  established 
"to  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves 
and  our  posterity ;"  assailing  the  constitutional 
rights  of  the  citizen,  in  order  to  rivet  the  fetters 
of  the  slave  ;  striving  to  extinguish  the  freedom 
of  the  press,  the  freedom  of  debate,  and  the 
right  of  petition,  to  perpetuate  property  in  human 
flesh.  These,  we  are  sensible,  are  strong  asser- 

*  A  distinguished  southern  senator,  speaking  of  the  importance 
of  preserving  our  neutrality  on  the  Canada  frontier,  declared  that 
in  his  opinion  «'  a  war  with  England  would  be  the  heaviest  calam- 
ity that  could  befall  the  country." 


CHARLESTON  POST-OFFICE.  161 

tions  —  we  solicit  attention  to  the  facts  on  which 
they  are  founded,  and  first  to 

THE    ATTEMPT   OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT    TO 
ESTABLISH  A  CENSORSHIP  OF  THE  PRESS. 

In  the  summer  of  1835,  the  Anti-slavery  Soci- 
ety in  New- York,  directed  their  publisher  to  for? 
ward  a  number  of  their  periodical  papers,  con- 
taining facts  and  disquisitions  on  the  subject  of 
slavery,  to  various  southern  gentlemen  of  distinc- 
tion, in  the  hope  of  exciting  by  this  means,  a 
spirit  of  inquiry  among  persons  of  influence  and 
character.  But  it  was  precisely  such  a  spirit  of 
inquiry,  that  the  advocates  of  perpetual  bondage 
feared  might  be  fatal  to  their  favourite  institution. 
Hence  they  affected  to  believe  that  the  papers 
sent  to  the  masters^  were  intended  to  excite  the 
slaves  to  insurrection,  and  they  succeeded  in 
maddening  the  populace  to  fury.  A  mob  broke 
into  the  Charleston  Post-Office,  and  seizing  a  quan- 
tity of  anti-slavery  papers,  burned  them  in  the 
street.  This  outrage  was  virtually  approved  by 
the  City  Council ;  and  at  a  public  meeting,  a  com- 
mittee of  "  gentlemen "  was  appointed  to  take 
charge  of  the  northern  mail  on  its  arrival,  ac- 
company it  to  the  Post-Office,  and  see  that  no 
14* 


162  MR.  KENDALL'S  LETTER. 

papers  advocating  the  rights  of  man,  should  be 
delivered  to  their  owners.  The  Post-Master  in- 
formed the  head  of  the  department,  that  under 
existing  circumstances,  he  had  determined  to  sup- 
press all  anti-slavery  publications,  and  asked  for 
instructions  for  the  future.  It  should  here  be  re- 
collected that  of  all  the  political  advisers  of  the 
President,  Mr.  Kendall,  at  this  time  acting  as 
Post-Master  General,  was  the  most  odious  to  the 
opposite  party.  He  had  been  appointed  during 
the  recess  of  the  Senate,  and  it  was  regarded  as 
a  matter  of  course,  that  on  the  meeting  of  that 
body,  in  which  the  opposition  had  a  majority,  his 
nomination  would  be  rejected.  The  constitution 
forbade  a  censorship  of  the  press,  and  had  the 
people  been  disposed  to  delegate  so  formidable  a 
power,  they  certainly  would  not  have  vested  it 
in  the  10,000  deputies  of  the  Post-Master  General. 
The  law  moreover  expressly  required  every  post- 
master to  deliver  the  papers  received  by  him,  to 
the  persons  to  whom  they  were  directed. 

Such  were  the  circumstances  under  which  Mr. 
Kendall  returned  his  famous  answer.  After  stat- 
ing that  not  having  seen  the  papers  in  question, 
he  could  not  judge  of  their  character,  but  had 
been  informed  that  they  were  incendiary,  inflam- 
matory, and  insurrectionary,  he  added  :  "  By  no 


MR.  KENDALL'S  LETTER.  163 

act  or  direction  of  mine,  official  or  private,  con  id  I 
be  induced  to  aid  knowingly  in  giving  circulation 
to  papers  of  this  description,  directly  or  indirect- 
ly. We  owe  an  obligation  to  the  laws,  but  a 
higher  one  to  the  communities  in  which  we  live ; 
and  if  the  former  be  perverted  to  destroy  the 
latter,  it  is  patriotism  to  disregard  them.  Enter- 
taining these  views,  I  cannot  sanction  and  will 
not  condemn  the  step  you  have  taken."  This  let- 
ter taught  the  Senate  that  the  new  offber  was 
willing  to  conduct  the  Post-Office  in  a  manner 
calculated  to  protect  the  "domestic  institution" 
from  the  assaults  of  truth  and  argument,  and  his 
nomination  was  confirmed.  Mr.  Kendall  was  at 
the  date  of  his  letter,  a  member  of  the  Cabinet, 
and  it  was  understood  that  the  novel,  extraordi- 
nary, and  dangerous  doctrine  of  that  letter  received 
the  sanction  of  the  President. 

On  the  opening  of  Congress,  President  Jackson 
in  his  message,  recommended  the  "passing  of 
such  a  law  as  will  prohibit  under  severe  penal- 
ties, the  circulation  in  the  southern  States  through 
the  mails,  of  incendiary  publications  intended  to 
instigate  the  slaves  to  insurrection."  The  propo- 
sed law  it  seems,  was  not  to  prohibit  the  printing 
of  certain  papers,  nor  their  committal  to  the  mails 
in  the  northern  States,  but  only  their  circulation 


164  PRESIDENT'S  CALUMNY 

in  the  slave  region.  Of  course  certain  persons, 
post-masters  we  presume,  were  to  be  required 
under  "  heavy  penalties,"  to  stop  these  papers ; 
and  they  were  necessarily  to  be  judges  of  the 
character  of  the  papers,  and  of  the  intentions  of 
their  writers.  From  what  code  of  despotism  did 
our  very  democratic  President  derive  his  plan  for 
destroying  the  efficiency  of  the  PKESS?  By  a 
contemptible  quibble,  this  plan  was  to  evade  the 
constitutional  guarantee  of  the  freedom  of  the 
press.  It  was  not  to  interfere  with  the  press  — 
not  at  all  —  it  was  merely  to  prevent  the  circu- 
lation of  its  productions!  The  press  was  stil  to 
be  free  to  pour  forth  its  arguments  against  slave- 
ry, only  "  heavy  penalties  "  were  to  prevent  the 
people  from  reading  them!  The  reason  moreo- 
ver assigned  for  this  proposed  high-handed  act  of 
tyranny,  was  a  most  malignant  and  wilful  calum- 
ny. It  was  to  prevent  the  circulation  in  the 
southern  States  of  publications  intended  to  excite 
the  slaves  to  insurrection.  Such  a  proposal  from 
the  first  magistrate  of  the  country  to  Congress, 
and  following  the  affair  at  Charleston,  and  Mr. 
Kendall's  letter,  irresistably  fixes  upon  the  mem- 
bers of  the  American  Anti-slavery  Society  at 
New-York,  the  charge  of  sending  papers  into  the 
southern  States  for  the  purpose  and  with  the  de- 


AGAINST  THE  ABOLITIONISTS.  165 

sire  of  effecting  the  massacre  of  their  fellow-citi- 
zens. If  the  President  really  believed  that  such 
was  the  object  of  the  New-York  abolitionists,  and 
such  the  character  of  their  publications,  and  if  he 
thought  it  his  official  duty  to  bring  the  subject  be- 
fore Congress,  he  owed  it  to  himself,  to  the  coun- 
try, to  truth  and  to  justice,  to  have  submitted  to 
Congress  the  facts  and  documents,  on  which  he 
founded  his  proposed  invasion  of  the  constitution- 
al rights  of  his  fellow-citizens.  But  he  cautiously 
avoided  specifying  a  single  fact,  or  quoting  a 
single  sentence  in  support  of  his  tremendous  accu- 
sation, or  in  justification  of  his  most  unwarranta- 
ble proposition  ;  and  when  written  to  by  the  act- 
ing committee  of  the  New-York  Society  for  proof 
of  his  charge  against  them,  he  deemed  it  most 
prudent  not  to  return  an  answer !  Surely  the 
burden  of  proof  rests  upon  him,  who  in  a  solemn 
official  address  to  the  Legislature,  holds  up  a  por- 
tion of  his  fellow-citizens  as  miscreants  engaged 
in  plotting  murder  and  insurrection;  and  urges 
the  enaction  of  a  law  to  counteract  their  execra- 
ble machinations. 

It  is  often  difficult  to  prove  a  negative  ;  but  in 
this  instance,  the  falsehood  of  the  President's 
charge  is  amply  demonstrated  by  an  official  doc- 
ument from  the  slaveholders  themselves.  We 


166  INSURRECTIONARY  LANGUAGE 

give  this  document,  not  to  exculpate  the  members 
of  the  New- York  Society  from  a  calumny  which 
their  own  characters  abundantly  refute, but  to  show 
in  a  strong  light  the  unprincipled  means  to  which 
the  Federal  Government  is  capable  of  resorting 
to  uphold  the  "peculiar  institution"  of  the  South. 
A  grand  jury  in  Alabama,  conceived  the  bright 
idea,  that  the  publication  of  tracts  at  the  North 
against  slavery  might  be  arrested,  by  indicting  the 
publishers  as  felons,  and  then  demanding  them 
from  the  Governors  of  their  respective  States  as 
fugitives  from  southern  justice.  It  was  necessary, 
however,  to  specify  in  the  indictment,  the  precise 
crime  of  which  they  had  been  guilty  ;  a  necessity 
which  the  President  regarded  as  not  applicable 
to  his  message.  We  may  well  suppose  therefore, 
that  the  grand  jury  wo  l(f  endeavour  to  secure  the 
success  of  this,  their  first  experiment,  by  selecting 
from  the  various  publications  alluded  to  by  the 
President  and  Mr.  Kendall,  as  sent  to  the  South 
for  the  purpose  of  exciting  insurrection,  the  most 
insurrectionary,  cut-throat  passages,  they  could 
find.  Behold  the  result. 

"  State  of  Alabama,    }  Circuit  Court,  September 
Tuscaloosa  county.  \      Term,  1835. 

The  grand  jurors,     *     *     *     *     upon  their 


IN  THE  STATK  OF  ALABAMA.  167 

oath  present,  that  Robert  G.  Williams,  late  of  said 
county,  being  a  wicked,  malicious,  seditious,  and 
ill-disposed  person,  and  being  greatly  disaffected 
to  the  laws  and  government  of  said  State,  and  fe- 
loniously, wickedly,  maliciously,  and  seditiously 
contriving,  devising,  and  intending  to  produce 
conspiracy,  insurrection,  and;  rebellion  among  the 
slave  population  of  said  State,  and  to  alienate  and 
withdraw  the  affection,  fidelity,  and  allegiance, 
of  said  slaves  from  their  masters  and  owners,  on 
the  tenth  day  of  September,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  thirty-five, 
at  the  county  aforesaid,  feloniously,  wickedly,  ma- 
liciously, and  seditiously  did  cause  to  be  distribu- 
ted, circulated,  and  published,  a  seditious  paper, 
called  "  THE  EMANCIPATOR,"  in  which  paper  is 
published  according  to  the  tenour  and  effect  fol- 
lowing, that  is  to  say  :  "  God  commands,  and  all  na- 
ture cries  out,  that  MAN  should  not  be  held  as  pro- 
perty.  The  system  of  making  MEN  property,  has 
plunged  2,250,000  of  our  fellow-countrymen  into 
the  deepest  physical  and  moral  degradation,  and 
they  are  every  moment  sinking  deeper"  In  open 
violation  of  the  Act  of  the  General  Assembly  in 
such  case  made  and  provided,  to  the  evil  and  per- 
nicious example  of  all  others  in  like  case  offend- 


168  ACTION   OF  THE  SENATE 

ing,  and  against  the  peace  and  dignity  of  the  State 
of  Alabama."* 

In  the  Senate,  the  recommendation  of  the  Pre- 
sident was  referred  to  a  committee,  who  reported 
a  bill  prohibiting  postmasters  from  delivering 
"  any  pamphlet,  newspaper,  handbill,  or  other 
printed  paper,  or  pictorial  representation,  touching 
the  subject  of  slavery  in  any  State,  in  which  their 
circulation  is  prohibited  by  law,"  The  object  of 
this  bill  was  by  means  of  federal  legislation,  to 
build  around  the  slave  States  a  rampart  against 
the  assaults  of  light  and  truth.  Its  absurdity  was 
equalled  only  by  its  wickedness.  Not  a  newspa- 
per containing  a  debate  in  Congress,  a  report 
from  a  committee,  a  message  from  the  President, 
a  letter  from  the  West  Indies,  V  touching  the  sub- 
ject of  slavery,"  could  be  legally  delivered  from  a 
southern  post-office  ;  and  thousands  of  postmasters 
were  to  be  employed  in  opening  envelopes,  ai.d 
poring  over  their  contents,  to  catch  a  reference 
to  the  "  domestic  institution." 

By  this  bill,  the  Federal  Government  virtually 

*  Another  count  was  added  for  distributing  "  The  Emancipator," 
but  without  giving  any  extracts.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  add, 
that  Williams  had  never  been  in  Alabama.  Yet  on  this  indict- 
ment, he  was  demanded  of  the  New- York  Executive  as  a  fugitive 
felon,  by  the  Governor  of  Alabama. 


CENSORSHIP  OF  THE  PRESS.  169 

surrendered  to  the  States,  the  freedom  of  the 
press,  and  nullified  the  guarantee  of  this  inestima- 
ble privilege,  given  by  our  fathers  in  the  Constitu- 
tion to  every  citizen.  This  bill,  moreover,  pre- 
pared the  way  for  the  destruction  of  civil  and  re- 
ligious liberty.  If  every  paper  touching  the  sub- 
ject of  slavery  might  be  suppressed,  then  the 
same  fate  might  just  as  constitutionally  be  awarded 
to  every  paper  touching  the  conduct  of  the  admin- 
istration, or  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity.  It  es- 
tablished a  censorship  of  the  press  on  one  subject, 
which  might  afterwards  be  extended  to  others. 
Yet  this  bill,  absurd  and  unconstitutional  as  it  was, 
went  through  its  regular  stages  with  little  opposi- 
tion, till  the  important  question  was  taken  on  its 
engrossment;  —  the  vote  stood  18  to  18.  The 
casting  vote  was  now  required  from  Mr.  Van  Bu- 
ren,  who,  as  Vice  President,  occupied  the  chair. 
He  gave  it  for  the  slaveholders,  and  received  from 
them  at  the  ensuing  election,  sixty-one  electoral 
votes,  by  means  of  which,  he  became  President 
of  the  United  States.*  On  the  final  question, 
the  bill  was  rejected,  and  this  attempt  to  trammel 

*  The  two  Senators  from  New- York,  Messrs.  Wright  and  Tall- 

madge,  political  friends  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  supported  the  bill.     It 

is  due  to  justice  to  mention,  that  the  bill  was  finally  lost  by  th.6 

votes  of  several  southern  Senators. 

15 


170  RIGHT  OF  PETITION  AND 

the  press  for  the  protection  of  slavery,  defeated. 
A  very  different  result  however,  has  attended 

THE  EFFORT  OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT  TO 
NULLIFY  THE  RIGHT  OF  PETITION  AND  THE  FREE- 
DOM OF  DEBATE. 

For  thirty  years  past,  petitions  have  been 
presented  to  Congress  for  the  abolition  of  sla- 
very in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  the  na- 
tional territories  ;  and  until  latterly,  were  receiv- 
ed and  treated  like  other  petitions.  But  hav- 
ing within  a  few  years  prodigiously  increased 
in  number,  and  some  northern  members  having 
shown  a  disposition  to  advocate  their  prayer,  a 
most  extraordinary  course  has  been  pursued  in  re- 
lation to  them.  The  reason  of  this  course  is  ex- 
plained by  the  following  passage  from  a  speech 
by  Mr.  Strange,  a  Senator  from  North  Carolina. 
"Every  agitation  of  this  subject  (slavery,)  weak- 
ens the  moral  force  in  our  favour ;  and  breaks 
down  the  moral  barriers  which  now  serve  to  pro- 
tect and  secure  us.  We  have  every  thing  to  lose, 
and  nothing  to  gain  by  agitation  and  discussion" 

The  frankness  of  this  confession  is  as  remarka- 
ble as  its  truth  is  unquestionable ;  and  it  shows  us 
why  the  advocates  of  slavery  instead  of  meet- 
ing their  opponents  in  argument,  have  sought  to 


FREEDOM  OF  DEBATE.  171 

silence   them  by  brute  force,  and  penal  enact- 
ments. 

One  of  the  most  unequivocal  and  undoubted  of  all 
constitutional  rights  is  that  of  petition,  and  it  is  more- 
over, expressly  guaranteed  by  the  constitution.  But 
this  right  has  been  most  audaciously  nullified  by 
both  branches  of  the  national  legislature.  The 
Senate  have  not,  it  is  true,  avowedly  refused  to 
receive  anti-slavery  petitions,  but  they  have  adopt- 
ed a  course  which  answers  the  same  purpose. 
The  practice  for  some  years  past  has  been  to  lay 
the  question  of  reception  on  the  table  without  de- 
ciding it,  and  the  petition  not  being  in  fact  re- 
ceived, cannot  be  discussed,  nor  any  measure  re- 
specting it  taken.  This  course  is  no  less  at  vari- 
ance with  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  petition- 
ers, than  it  is  with  those  of  the  members  of  the 
Senate.  The  rights  of  petition  and  freedom  of 
debate  are  both  nullities,  if  the  body  to  which  a 
prayer  is  addressed,  is  prohibited  from  listening 
to  it,  and  the  individual  members  are  prohibited 
from  noticing  it.  Would  it  be  no  violation  of  the 
Constitution  were  the  Senate  to  order  that  every 
petition,  "  touching  the  subject  of  slavery,"  should 
be  delivered  to  their  doorkeeper,  to  be  committed 
by  him  to  the  flames  ?  And  yet  in  what  particu- 
lar, are  the  rights  of  the  petitioners  more  respect- 


172  RIGHT  OF  PETITION  AND 

ed  by  the  practice  we  have  mentioned  ?  The  pe- 
titions are  not  indeed  burned,  but  they  are  left  in 
the  pockets  of  those  to  whom  they  were  entrust- 
ed ;  and  not  being  received,  the  Senate  is  sup- 
posed to  be  ignorant  of  their  contents,  and  of 
course  no  member  is  permitted  to  discuss  their 
merits,  or  to  propose  any  measure  founded  upon 
them.  Let  us  now  turn  to  what  is  regarded  as 
the  popular  branch,  —  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives,—  intended  to  be  the  special  guardian  of  the 
liberties  of  the  PEOPLE,  as  the  Senate  is  of  the 
rights  of  the  States. 

In  May,  1836,  a  committee  reported  to  the 
House,  a  resolution  prefaced  with  this  extraordi- 
nary avowal :  "  Whereas  it  is  extremely  import- 
ant and  desirable,  that  the  AGITATION  on  this  sub- 
ject (slavery)  should  be  finally  arrested  for  the 
purpose  of  restoring  tranquillity  to  the  public 
mind,  your  committee  respectfully  recommend  the 
following  resolution." 

Here  then  is  an  acknowledged,  unblushing  in- 
terference by  the  Federal  Government,  in  behalf 
of  slavery ;  an  avowed  interference  to  arrest 
that  agitation,  which  we  are  assured  by  Mr. 
Strange,  "breaks  down  the  moral  barriers," 
which  serve  to  protect  and  secure  a  system  of 
iniquitous  cruelty  and  oppression.  To  arrest 


FREEDOM   OF   DEBATE.  173 

this  agitation,  the  committee  did  not  scruple  to 
recommend  a  measure,  breaking  down  the  consti- 
tutional barriers  erected  to  protect  and  secure  the 
rights  and  liberties  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States.  The  resolution  reported  by  the  commit- 
tee, was  adopted  by  the  House,  on  the  26th  of 
May,  1836,  and  is  in  these  words: 

"  Resolved,  that  all  petitions,  memorials,  resolu- 
tions, and  propositions  relating  in  any  way,  or  to 
any  extent  whatever,  to  the  subject  of  slavery, 
shall  without  being  either  printed  or  referred, 
be  laid  on  the  table,  and  that  no  farther  action 
whatever  shall  be  had  thereon."  Ayes  117  — 
Nays  68. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  of  the  ayes,  no  less 
than  62  were  from  the  free  States !  The  advo- 
cates of  this  resolution,  conscious  that  it  could 
bear  discussion  as  little  as  slavery  itself,  caused  it 
to  be  adopted  through  the  operation  of  the  previ- 
ous question,  by  a  silent  vote. 

We  have  exhibited  the  character  of  slavery  and 
the  slave  trade  at  the  seat  of  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment, and  have  shown  that  Congress  is  the  lo- 
cal legislature  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  hav- 
ing "exclusive  jurisdiction  over  it  in  all  cases 
whatever."  Now  one  of  the  peculiar  atrocities  of 
this  resolution  is,  that  it  wrests  from  every  mem- 
15* 


174  RIGHT  OF  PETITION  AND 

her  of  the  House,  his  constitutional  right  to  pro- 
pose such  measures  for  the  government  of  the  Dis- 
trict as  justice  and  humanity  may  require.  Slaves 
might  be  burned  alive  in  the  streets  of  the  Capital ; 
the  slavers  might  be  crowded  to  suffocation  with 
human  victims ;  eveiy  conceivable  cruelty  might 
be  practised,  and  no  one  member  of  the  local  legis- 
lature could  be  permitted  to  propose  even  a  com- 
mittee of  inquiry,  "relating  in  any  way,  or  to  any 
extent  whatever,  to  the  subject  of  slavery !" 

The  fact  that  62  northern  members  on  this  oc- 
casion, arrayed  themselves  on  the  side  of  the 
slaveholders,  affords  a  melancholy  and  alarming 
proof  of  the  corrupting  influence  which  slavery  is 
exerting  on  the  morality  and  patriotism  of  the 
free  States. 

This  foolish  and  wicked  expedient  to  "restore 
tranquillity  "  to  the  people,  by  trampling  on  their 
rights  and  gagging  their  representatives,  failed  of 
success.  The  petitioners  at  this  session  were 
34,000,  —  at  the  next  the  number  was  swelled  to 

ONE  HUNDRED  AND  TEN  THOUSAND  !  and  the  gag 

was  renewed.  During  the  session  of  1837-8, 
the  number  rose  to  THREE  HUNDRED  THOUSAND. 
Early  in  the  last  mentioned  session,  a  member 
from  Vermont,  presented  a  petition  for  the  abo- 
lition of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and 


FREEDOM  OP  DEBATE.  175 

took  the  liberty  to  offer  some  remarks  on  the 
subject  of  slavery.  This  attempt  to  break  down 
"  the  moral  barriers,"  threw  the  southern  members 
into  great  trepidation,  and  the  scene  which  en- 
sued, illustrates  the  system  of  intimidation,  to 
which  we  have  already  adverted.  The  Speaker 
was  interrupted  by  a  gentleman  from  Virginia, 
calling  aloud,  and  asking  his  colleagues  to  retire 
with  him  from  the  hall ;  —  another  from  Georgia 
exclaimed,  that  he  hoped  the  whole  southern  dele- 
gation would  do  the  same  ;  —  a  third  from  South 
Carolina  declared,  that  all  the  representatives 
from  that  State '  had  already  signed  an  agreement.' 
The  House  adjourned,  and  a  southern  member 
invited  the  gentlemen  from  the  slaveholding 
States  to  meet  immediately  in  an  adjoining  room. 
The  meeting  was  held,  but  its  proceedings  were  not 
made  public.  The  result,  however,  was  manifest 
in  the  introduction  next  morning,  of  another  gag 
resolution,  directing  all  memorials,  petitions,  and 
papers  touching  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
national  territories,  and  of  the  American  slave 
trade,  to  be  laid  on  the  table,  without  being  print- 
ed, read,  debated,  or  referred,  and  that  no  farther 
action  should  be  had  thereon.  Through  the  ac- 
quiescence of  northern  members,  it  was  passed 
by  a  silent  vote. 


176  RIGHT  OP  PETITION  AND 

At  the  beginning  of  the  next  session,  a  meeting 
of  the  admininistration  members  was  held,  at 
which  it  was  determined  to  renew  the  gag;  and 
as  a  proof  of  the  devotion  of  the  democratic  party 
at  the  Norlh  to  the  cause  of  slavery,  it  was  ar- 
ranged that  now,  for  the  first  time,  the  odious 
measure  should  be  proposed  by  a  northern  man  : 
nay,  not  merely  a  northern  man,  but  a  native 
of  New-England  —  a  representative  from  New- 
Hampshire.  The  resolution  was  accordingly  in- 
troduced, and  was  passed  on  the  12th  December, 
1838,  and  has  given  notoriety  to  the  name  of 
Atherton. 

Thus  we  see  a  persevering,  systematic  effort 
on  the  part  of  Congress  to  protect  slavery  by 
suppressing  debate,  and  throwing  contempt  upon 
the  petitions  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  Ameri- 
can citizens.  That  this  should  be  done  by  slave- 
holders was  perhaps  to  have  been  expected  ;  but 
that  they  should  be  aided  in  such  a  desperate 
assault  upon  constitutional  liberty  by  northern 
men,  for  the  paltry  consideration  of  southern  votes 
and  southern  trade,  is  mortifying  and  alarming. 
The  meeting  of  extremes  is  a  trite  illustration  of 
human  inconsistency.  If,  in  Doctor  Johnson's 
time,  the  loudest  yelps  for  liberty  were  heard 
from  the  drivers  of  slaves ;  the  loudest  yelps  in  the 
northern  States  against  aristocracy,  chartered  mo- 


FREEDOM  OP  DEBATE.  177 

nopolies  and  oppression  of  the  poor,  are  now 
heard  from  men  who  have  laboured  to  perpetuate 
the  bondage  of  millions,  by  gag  laws,  and  restric- 
tions on  the  freedom  of  speech  and  the  press. 
These  men  are  acting  from  party  views,  and  are 
rushing  to  battle  under  the  war  cry  of  "VAN 
BUREN  AND  SLAVERY,"  in  hopes,  through  southern 
auxiliaries,  of  enjoying  the  spoils  of  victory.  Oth- 
ers again,  without  the  slightest  sympathy  in  the 
political  principles  of  these  men,  and  with  their 
ears  stuffed,  and  their  hearts  padded  with  cotton, 
are  cooperating  with  them  in  behalf  of  slavery, 
from  their  love  of  southern  trade.*  We  will  here 
close  our  protracted  investigation  with  a  brief 

RECAPITULATION  OF  THE  ACTION  OF  THE  FEDERAL 
GOVERNMENT  IN  BEHALF  OF  SLAVERY. 

This  action  we  have  found  exhibited  (omitting 
constitutional  provisions)  in 

1.  Its  effort  to  degrade  the  free  people  of  (fblour 

*  The  following  are  strong  and  amusing  instances  of  the  meet- 
ing of  extremes.  In  the  Spring  of  1837,  the  whig  merchants  of 
New- York,  sent  a  deputation  to  Washington  to  request  the  Pre- 
sident to  adopt  certain  measures  to  relieve  the  commercial  embar- 
rassments of  the  country.  The  request  was  declined,  and  a  great 
meeting  was  convened  to  receive  the  report  of  the  deputation. 


178   ACTION  OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT. 

by  excluding  them  from  the  militia ;  prohibiting  them 
from  driving  a  mail  waggon  —  denying  naturaliza- 
tion to  foreigners  of  their  complexion  —  subjecting 
them  to  odious  disqualifications  and  restrictions  in 
the  City  of  Washington ;  and  above  all  in  permit- 
ting them  without  trial,  at  the  discretion  of  the 
marshal,  to  be  sold  as  slaves  io  pay  their  JAIL  FEES. 

2.  In  its  tolerance  of  slavery  in  territories  under 
its  exclusive  jurisdiction. 

3.  In  its  arbitrary,  unconstitutional,  and  wicked 
laws  for  the  arrest  of  fugitive  slaves. 

The  report  which  was  adopted  by  the  meeting,  recommended  ef- 
forts to  displace  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and  as  one  means  of  effecting 
this  object,  exhorted  the  merchants  to  "  appeal  to  our  brethren  of 
the  South  for  their  generous  co-operation  ;  and  promise  them  that 
those  who  believe  the  possession  of  property  of  any  kind '"  (not 
excepting  men,  women,  and  children,)  "  is  an  evidence  of  merit, 
will  be  the  last  to  interfere  with  the  rights  of  property  of  any  kind  ; 
discourage  any  effort  to  awaken  an  excitement,  the  bare  idea  of 
which  should  make  every  husband  and  father  shudder  with  horror.1 
In  plain  English,  if  the  slaveholders  would  make  common  cause  with 
the  New- York  merchants  against  Mr.  Van  Buren,  they  in  return 
would  make  common  cause  with  the  slaveholders  against  the  abo- 
litionists. But  democrats  know  the  value  of  southern  votes  quite  as 
well  as  the  whigs.  Accordingly  we  find  in  the  Washington  Globe 
of  Feb.  9,  1839,  a  speech  intended  to  have  been  delivered,  but  pre- 
vented by  the  gag  resolution,  by  Mr.  Eli  Moore,  a  double-refined 
democrat,  President  of  the  New- York  Trades'  Union,  and  represen- 
tative from  that  City  in  Congress.  This  gentleman  tells  us  "the 
wild,  enthusiastic,  and  impetuous  spirit  which  kindled  the  fires  of 


ACTION  OP  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT.   179 

4.  In  its  negotiation  with  Great  Britain  and 
Mexico  for  the  surrender  of  fugitive  slaves. 

5.  In  its  invasion  of  Florida,  in  pursuit  of  fugi- 
tive slaves. 

6.  In  its  negotiations  with  Great  Britain,  for 
compensation  for  slaves  who  had  taken  refuge  on 
board  British  ships  of  war. 

7.  In  its  negotiation  with  Great  Britain,  for 
compensation  for  slaves,  ship-wrecked  in  the  West 
Indies. 

8.  In  its  tolerance,  protection,  and  regulation  of 
the  American  slave  trade. 

Smithfield,  and  strewed  the  plains  of  Palestine  with  the  corsea 
of  the  crusaders,  stands  with  lighted  and  uplifted  torch  hard  by  the 
side  of  abolitionism,  ready  to  spread  conflagration  and  death  around 
the  land  "  —  he  declares  that  "so  long  as  the  DEMOCRATIC  or  State 
Rights'  party  shall  maintain  the  ascendency,  the  efforts  of  the 
abolitionists  will  be  comparatively  innoxious  :"  and  he  announces 
what  will  be  no  less  news  to  the  New- York  merchants,  that  it  is 
to  abolitionists,  that  "the  Federal  or  NATIONAL  BANK  PARTT,  be- 
lieve the  Federal  Legislature  not  only  have  the  power  to  abolish 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  but  alto  in  the  States." 

From  the  opinions  and  motives  we  have  ascribed  to  masses,  we 
know  there  are  many  exceptions.  No  community  can  offer  bright- 
er examples  of  virtue  and  philanthropy  than  the  merchants  of 
New-York ;  and  he  who  thinks  that  there  are  not  among  our 
ultra-democrats,  men  who  conscientiously  believe  the  principles 
they  profess,  and  act  in  consistency  with  them,  does  not  know 
them. 


180   ACTION  OF  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT. 

9.  In  its  duplicity,  with  regard  to  the  abolition 
of  the  African  slave  trade. 

10.  In  its  efforts  to  prevent  the  abolition  of 
slavery  in  Cuba. 

11.  In  its  conduct  towards  Hayti. 

12.  In  its  conduct  towards  Texas. 

13.  In  its  attempt  to  establish  a  censorship  of 
the  press. 

14.  In  its  invasion  of  the  right  of  petition,  and 
the  freedom  of  debate. 

Such  has  been  the  action  in  behalf  of  human 
bondage,  of  a  Government  which,  in  the  language 
of  the  constitution,  was  formed  to  establish  JUSTICE, 
and  secure  the  blessings  of  LIBERTY. 

And  by  whom  are  the  men  composing  the  Go- 
vernment which  thus  perverts  the  objects  of  its 
institution,  invested  with  their  power  ?  They  are 
the  agents,  the  mere  instruments  of  the  people  of 
the  United  States  —  of  the  North  and  the  East, 
as  well  as  of  the  West  and  the  South.  This  con- 
sideration calls  us  to  consider 

THE  RESPONSIBILITY  OF  THE  FREE  STATES. 

The  advocates  of  slavery  and  the  tools  of  par- 
ty, are  continually  telling  us,  that  "the  North  has 
nothing  to  do  with  slavery"  A  volume  might  be 


RESPONSIBILITY  OF  THE   FREE  STATES.          181 

filled  with  facts,  proving  the  fallacy  of  this  asser- 
tion. There  is  scarcely  a  family  among  us,  that  is 
not  connected  by  the  ties  of  friendship,  kindred,  or 
pecuniary  interest,  with  the  land  of  slaves.  That 
land  is  endeared  to  us  by  a  thousand  recollections 
—  with  that  land  we  have  continual  commercial, 
political,  religious,  and  social  intercourse.  There 
in  innumerable  instances,  are  our  personal  friends, 
our  brothers,  our  sons  and  our  daughters.  How 
malignant  and  foolish  then  is  the  falsehood,  that  the 
thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  of  abolitionists 
among  us,  are  anxious  to  see  that  land  reeking  in 
blood  !  But  the  more  intimate  are  our  connexions 
with  that  land,  the  more  exposed  are  we  to  be  con- 
taminated by  its  pollutions ;  and  the  more  im- 
peratively are  we  bound  to  seek  its  real  welfare. 
Let  it  then  sink  deep  in  our  hearts,  let  it  rest 
upon  our  consciences,  that  in  every  wicked  and 
cruel  act  of  the  Federal  Government  in  behalf 
of  slavery,  the  people  of  the  North  have  partici- 
pated,—  we  might  almost  say  that  for  all  this 
wickedness  and  cruelty,  they  are  solely  responsi- 
ble ;  since  it  could  not  have  been  perpetrated  but 
with  the  consent  of  their  representatives.  Vast 
and  fertile  territories,  which  might  now  have 
been  inhabited  by  a  free  and  happy  population, 


16 


i 


182         RESPONSIBILITY  OF  THE  FREE   STATES. 

have  by  northern  votes  been  converted,  to  use 
the  language  of  the  poet,  into 

"  A  land  of  tyrants,  and  a  den  of  slaves." 

By  northern  Senators,  have  our  African  slavers 
been  protected  from  the  search  of  British  cruis- 
ers. By  northern  representatives,  is  the  Ameri- 
can slave  trade  protected,  and  the  abominations 
enacted  in  the  Capital  of  the  Republic,  sanctioned 
and  perpetuated:  and  northern  men  are  the  offi- 
ciating ministers  in  the  sacrifice  of  constitutional 
liberty  on  the  altar  of  Moloch,  But  representa- 
tives are  only  the  agents  of  their  constituents, 
speaking  their  thoughts,  and  doing  their  will. 
THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  NORTH  have  done  "  this  great 
wickedness."  When  they  repent,  when  they  love 
mercy,  and  seek  after  justice,  their  representa- 
tives will  no  longer  rejoice  to  aid  in  transforming 
the  image  of  God  into  a  beast  of  burden  —  then 
will  the  human  shambles  be  overthrown  in  the 
Capital  —  then  will  slavers  "  freighted  with  de- 
spair," no  longer  depart  from  the  port  of  Alex- 
andria, nor  chained  coffles  parade  the  streets  of 
Washington.  Then  will  the  powers  of  the  Fede- 
ral Government  be  exercised  in  protecting,  not 
in  annihilating  the  rights  of  man  ;  and  then  will 
the  slaveholder,  deprived  of  the  countenance  of  the 


DIVISION  OF  THE    UNION.  183 

free  States,  as  he  is  already  of  nearly  all  the  rest 
of  the  civilized  world,  be  led  to  reflect  calmly  on 
the  character  and  tendency  of  the  institution  he 
now  so  dearly  prizes,  and  seek  his  own  welfare 
and  that  of  his  children  in  its  voluntary  and  peace- 
ful abolition. 

But  here  we  are  confronted  with  direful  pro- 
phecies.    Let  us  then  proceed  to  inquire  into 

TlIE   PROBABLE   INFLUENCE   OF  THE  ANTI-SLAVERY 
AGITATION  ON  THE   PERMANENCY  OF  THE  UNION. 

Before  we  can  predict  what  this  influence  will 
be,  we  must  first  inquire,  what  will  probably  be 
the  direction  and  aim  of  the  agitation?  Every 
State  possesses  all  the  powers  of  independent 
sovereignty,  except  such  as  she  has  delegated  to 
the  Federal  Government.  All  the  powers  not 
specified  in  the  Constitution  as  delegated,  are  by 
that  instrument  reserved.  Among  the  powers 
specified,  that  of  abrogating  the  slave  codes  of  the 
several  States,  is  not  included ;  on  the  contrary, 
the  guarantee  of  the  continuance  of  the  African 
slave  trade  for  twenty  years,  the  provision  for  the 
arrest  of  fugitive  slaves,  and  the  establishment  of 
the  federal  ratio  of  representation,  all  refer  to 
and  acknowledge  the  existence  of  slavery  under 


184  RIGHTS  OF  THE   SOUTH. 

State  authority.  If  therefore  the  abolitionists* 
unmindful  of  their  solemn  and  repeated  disclaim- 
ers of  all  power  in  Congress  to  legislate  for  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  States,  should  with  un- 
exampled perfidy  attempt  to  bring  about  such  le- 
gislation ;  and  if  Congress,  regardless  of  their 
oaths,  should  ever  be  guilty  of  the  consummate 
folly  and  wickedness  of  passing  a  law  emancipa- 
ting the  slaves  held  under  State  authority,  the 
Union  would  most  unquestionably  be  rent  in 
twain.  The  South  would  indeed  be  craven  could 
it  submit  to  such  profligate  usurpation  ;  it  would 
be  compelled  to  withdraw,  not  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  slavery  alone,  but  for  the  protection  of  all  its 
rights ;  and  indeed  the  liberties  of  every  State  would 
be  jeoparded  under  a  government,  which,  spurning 
all  constitutional  restraints,  should  assume  the 
omnipotence  of  the  British  Parliament.  But  it  is 
scarcely  worth  while  to  anticipate  the  conse- 
quence of  an  act  which  can  never  be  perpetrated 
so  long  as  the  people  of  the  North  retain  an  ordi- 
nary share  of  honesty  and  intelligence. 

We  have,  under  all  the  circumstances  of  the 
case,  sufficient  reasons  for  believing  that  the  anti- 
slavery  of  the  North,  will  carry  its  action  to  the 
very  limits  of  the  Constitution,  but  not  beyond 
them.  In  despite  of  all  the  coalitions  of  parties, 


POWERS  OF  CONGRESS.  185 

and  the  intrigues  of  politicians,  liberty  of  speech 
arid  of  the  press  will  be  maintained,  and  the  dis- 
cussion of  slavery  will  be  extended  by  the  very 
efforts  made  to  arrest  it.  Let  us  suppose  this  dis- 
cussion to  be  attended  with  its  natural  and  proba- 
ble result,  the  conversion  of  the  great  mass  of  the 
northern  people  to  the  principles  and  avowed  ob- 
jects of  the  abolitionists.  Of  course,  those  prin- 
ciples and  objects  will  be  embraced  by  their  rep- 
resentatives in  Congress.  In  this  case,  we  may 
expect  that  slavery  will  be  abolished  in  the  District 
of  Columbia,  and  that  it  will  be  prohibited  in  the 
territories  hereafter  to  be  formed  on  the  west  of  the 
Mississippi.  Thus  far  the  constitutional  power  of 
Congress  cannot  be  rationally  questioned.  Inde- 
penndent  of  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  over  the  ter- 
ritories granted  to  Congress,  we  have  the  prece- 
dent of  the  ordinance  of  1787,  prohibiting  slave- 
ry in  the  North-west  Territory,  and  the  more  re- 
cent precedent  of  the  prohibition  of  it  in  the  Lou- 
isiana territory  north  of  381°  of  north  latitude. 
The  American  slave  trade  is  now,  and  has  been 
for  upwards  of  thirty  years>  prohibited  in  vessels 
under  forty  tons  burden.  It  would  not  be  easy 
to  show  that  the  Constitution  forbids  its  prohibi- 
tion in  vessels  over  forty  tons  burden.  We  may 
therefore  take  it  for  granted,  that  the  Senate's 
16* 


186  DUTY  OF  CONGRESS. 

f 

coasting  trade  will  be  legally  abolished.  Should 
the  land  traffic  not  be  also  destroyed,  it  would  not 
be  for  want  of  disposition,  or  constitutional  power 
in  Congress,  but  on  account  of  the  extreme  diffi- 
culty which  would  exist  in  preventing  evasions 
of  the  law. 

We  have  now  the  sum  total  of  national  legis- 
lation, which  on  our  present  supposition,  will  re- 
sult from  the  anti-slavery  action  at  the  North. 
Yet  we  are  positively  assured  that  such  legisla- 
tion would  cause  a  dissolution  of  the  Union.  Now 
admitting  the  constitutional  right,  and  the  moral 
obligation  of  our  national  legislators,  to  pass  the 
laws  in  question,  it  would  be  difficult  to  decide 
by  what  code  of  morals  they  could  be  excused 
from  the  discharge  of  their  duty  by  the  apprehen- 
sion of  consequences.  If  God  governs  the  world, 
more  is  to  be  feared  from  rebellion,  than  from 
obedience  to  his  will.  If  his  wisdom  and  good- 
ness are  both  infinite,  his  will  is  and  must  be  an 
infallible  standard  of  expediency.  If  it  be  folly 
to  barter  a  single  soul  for  the  whole  world,  would 
it  be  wise  to  expose  a  nation  to  the  wrath  of 
Heaven,  for  a  boon  which  we  now  hold,  and 
would  continue  to  hold  at  the  pleasure  of  men 
who  are  daily  threatening  to  deprive  us  of  it  ? 

But  we  have  no  fears  that  Congress  will  ever 


MOTIVES  FOR  A  SEPARATION.  187 

find  the  faithful  discharge  of  their  duty,  conflict- 
ing with  the  welfare  and  preservation  of  the  Union. 
How  far  selfish  and  influential  individuals  may 
succeed  in  raising  up  at  the  South  a  party  for 
secession,  it  is  impossible  to  predict ;  but  it  is  not 
difficult  to  show  that  a  separation  founded  on  the 
legislation  we  have  specified,  would  be  most  pre- 
posterous and  disastrous,  and  therefore  we  may 
reasonably  presume  it  will  not  occur. 

Should  the  South  secede,  they  would  do  so  we 
may  suppose,  for  one  or  more  of  the  following 
reasons,  viz. 

1.  To  protect  their  rights  from  invasion. 

2.  To  guard  and  perpetuate  the  institution  of 
slavery. 

3.  To  increase  their  wealth  and  power. 

The  North  is  the  strongest  portion  of  the  con- 
federacy;  and  whenever,  unmindful  of  the  federal 
compact,  it  wickedly  and  forcibly  usurps  power 
to  the  prejudice  of  the  South,  secession  is  the  on- 
ly resource  left  to  the  latter  for  the  protection  of 
its  rights.  But  a  disregard  to  the  wishes,  does  ^ 
not  necessarily  imply  a  violation  of  the  rights  of 
the  South.  Not  one  of  the  measures  we  have 
contemplated  as  the  probable  result  of  the  anti- 
slavery  agitation,  encroaches  on  the  constitutional 
rights  of  the  South ;  and  therefore  secession,  how- 


188  ADMISSIONS  OF  SLAVEHOLDERS. 

ever  it  might  be  professedly  justified,  would,  in 
fact  be  prompted  by  other  motives  than  that  of 
self-defence.  But  so  long  as  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment confines  its  action  against  slavery  within 
the  limits  of  the  Constitution,  in  what  way  would 
secession  tend  to  guard  and  perpetuate  the  insti- 
tution ? 

It  is  natural  that  the  slaveholders  should  wish 
to  destroy  the  influence  of  the  abolitionists,  and 
hence  they  have  very  unjustifiably  expressed 
fears  respecting  them  which  they  do  not  feel,  and 
circulated  calumnies  which  they  do  not  believe. 
The  following  admissions  reveal  the  true  nature 
of  the  apprehensions  entertained  by  the  slave- 
holders. 

Mr.  CALHOUN,  alluding  in  the  Senate  to  opinions 
expressed  by  some  of  his  southern  colleagues,  ex- 
claimed :  "  Do  they  expect  the  abolitionists  will 
resort  to  arms,  and  commence  a  crusade  to  liber- 
ate our  slaves  by  force  ?  Is  this  what  they  mean 
when  they  speak  of  the  attempt  to  abolish  slave- 
ry ?  If  so,  let  me  tell  our  friends  of  the  South 
who  differ  from  us,  that  the  war  which  the  abo- 
litionists wage  against  us,  is  of  a  very  different 
character,  and  far  more  effective  —  it  is  waged 
not  against  our  lives,  but  our  character." 

Mr.  DUFF  GREEN,   the   editor  of  the  United 


ADMISSIONS  OF  SLAVEHOLDERS.  189 

States  Telegraph,  and  the  great  champion  of  sla- 
very, thus  expressed  himself  in  his  paper.  "  We 
are  of  those  who  believe  the  South  has  nothing 
to  fear  from  a  servile  war.  We  do  not  believe 
that  the  abolitionists  intend,  nor  could  they  if  they 
would,  excite  the  slaves  to  insurrection.  The 
danger  of  this  is  remote.  We  believe  that  we 
have  most  to  fear  from  the  organized  action  upon 
the  consciences  and  fears  of  the  slaveholders 
themselves  ;  from  the  insinuation  of  their  danger- 
ous heresies  into  our  schools,  our  pulpits,  and  our 
domestic  circles.  It  is  only  by  alarming  the  con- 
sciences of  the  weak  and  feeble,  and  diffusing 
among  our  people  a  morbid  sensibility  on  the 
question  of  slavery,  that  the  abolitionists  can  ac- 
complish their  object."* 

We  would  now  respectfully  submit  to  Mr.  Cal- 
houn's  consideration,  whether  a  secession  would 
tend  in  any  way  to  defend  the  characters  of 
slaveholders  from  the  war  he  contends  is  waged 
against  them  ;  or  fortify  their  consciences  against 
the  "  dangerous  heresies  "  by  which  they  are  as- 
sailed ? 

*The  New- York  whig  merchants  may  learn  from  this  candid 
avowal,  that  the  "  bare  idea  "  of  the  abolition  excitement  does  not 
make  every  "husband  and  father  shudder  with  horror"  at  the 
South,  whatever  it  may  do  in  Wall-street. 


190  CONSEQUENCES  OF  A  SEPARATION. 

The  new  slave  nation  would  acquire  from  her  se- 
parate independence,  no  new  power  to  darken  the 
understandings,  or  benumb  the  consciences  of  her 
citizens.  The  freedom  of  the  press  throughout  the 
whole  slave  region,  is  already  extinguished.  Not 
one  single  newspaper,  from  Maryland  to  Florida, 
dares  to  raise  its  voice  in  favour  of  immediate 
emancipation  ;  and  a  southern  publication,  for  ex- 
pressing views  unfavourable  to  slavery,  notwith- 
standing its  bitter  denunciations  of  abolitionists, 
was  lately  taken-  from  a  post-office  in  Virginia, 
and  in  pursuance  of  the  laws  of  the  State,  com- 
mitted to  the  flames  by  order  of  the  public  au- 
thorities ;  and  when  the  laws  are  silent,  lynch 
clubs  are  ready  to  visit  with  infamous  and  cruel 
penalties,  the  man  who  presumes  to  advocate  the 
inalienable  rights  of  man.  What  new  ramparts 
could  the  southern  confederacy  build  around  their 
beloved  institution?  What  new  weapons  could 
they  forge  against  freedom  of  discussion  ? 

At  the  North,  the  discussion  of  slavery  is  now 
greatly  restricted  by  political  and  mercenary  con- 
siderations ;  but  such  considerations  would  be 
dissipated  in  a  moment  by  secession.  The  very 
demagogues  who  are  now  fawning  upon  the 
slaveholders  for  their  votes,  would,  when  they 
had  no  longer  votes  to  bestow,  seek  popularity 
in  ultra  hatred  to  slavery. 


CONSEQUENCES  OF  A  SEPARATION.      191 

The  anti-slavery  agitation  at  the  North,  is  at 
present  chiefly  confined  to  the  religious  portion  of 
the  community ;  it  would  then  extend  to  all  class- 
es, and  be  embittered  by  national  animosity. —  i 
Slavery  would  appear  more  odious  and  detesta- 
ble than  ever,  after  having  destroyed  the  fair 
fabric  of  American  Union,  and  severed  the  bonds 
of  kindred  and  of  friendship,  to  rivet  more  firmly 
the  fetters  of  the  bondman. 

The  slaveholders  are  now  our  fellow-country- 
men and  citizens ;  they  would  then  be  foreigners 
who  had  discarded  our  friendship  and  connexion, 
that  they  might  trample  with  more  unrestrained 
violence  upon  the  rights  and  liberties  of  their  fel- 
low-men. These  considerations  show  that  any 
expectation  of  extinguishing  or  weakening  the 
anti-slavery  feeling  at  the  North  by  separation, 
must  be  utterly  futile. 

A  separation  would  moreover  deprive  the  in-  , 
stitution  of  the  protection  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment.    Should  the  slaves  attempt  to  revolt,  the 
masters  would  be  left  to  struggle  with  them,  un- 
aided by  the  fleets  and  armies  of  the  whole  Re-  I 
public. 

And  by  what  power  would  the  master  recap- 
ture his  fugitive  who  had  crossed  the  boundary  of 
the  new  empire  ?  Now  he  may  hunt  him  through 


192  CONSEQUENCES   OF  A   SEPARATION. 

the  whole  confederacy,  nor  is  the  trembling  wretch 
secure  of  his  liberty,  till  he  beholds  the  British 
standard  waving  above  him.  Then  freedom  would 
be  the  boon  of  every  slave  who  could  swim  the 
Ohio,  or  reach  the  frontier  line  of  the  free  repub- 
lic. And  this  frontier  line  be  it  remembered,  would 
be  continually  advancing  South.  The  anti-slavery 
feelings  of  the  North,  aggravated  as  they  would 
be  by  the  secession,  would  afford  every  possible 
facility  to  the  fugitive,  and  laws  would  then  be 
passed,  not  for  the  restoration  of  human  property, 
but  for  the  protection  of  human  rights. 

Would  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  afford  the 
southern  planters  a  more  unrestricted  enjoyment 
of  the  foreign  or  domestic  slave  trade  ?  Alas  ! 
from  the  moment  of  separation,  slave  trading  be- 
comes PIRACY  in  fact,  as  well  as  in  name,  and  the 
crews  of  New-Orleans  and  Alexandria,  as  well  as 
of  African  slavers,  would  swing  on  northern  gib- 
bets. 

We  confess  then  our  utter  inability  to  perceive 
in  what  possible  mode,  a  secession  of  the  southern 
States  would  tend  to  guard  and  perpetuate  the  in- 
stitution of  slavery. 

Would  a  dissolution  of  the  Union  augment  the 
power  and  wealth  of  the  slave  States  ?  The  power 
and  wealth  of  a  nation  depend  on  its  population, 


CONSEQUENCES  OP  A  SEPARATION.  193 

industry,  and  commerce.  The  increase  of  the 
white  population  at  the  South  is  now  small,  com- 
pared with  the  wonderful  tide  of  life  which  is  roll- 
ing over  the  western  plains.  And  when  the 
southern  region  shall  be  insulated  from  the  sym- 
pathies of  the  whole  civilized  world,  and  conse- 
crated to  a  stern  and  remorseless  despotism,  —  a 
despotism  sooner  or  later  to  be  engulphed  in  blood, 
by  what  attraction  will  it  divert  the  tide  of  emi- 
gration from  the  fair  prairies  of  the  west,  to  its 
own  sugar  and  cotton  fields  ?  If  even  now,  armed 
patroles  must  traverse  at  night  the  streets  and 
highways  that  the  whites  may  sleep  in  safety,  and 
military  preparation  is  essential  to  domestic  se- 
curity,* what  husband  or  father  will  take  up  his 
residence  in  the  new  empire  when  withdrawn 
from  the  protection  of  the  Federal  Government, 
and  the  friendship  of  its  neighbours  ?  The  slaves 
are  now  rapidly  gaining  upon  their  masters,  and 
will  increase  in  a  still  greater  ratio  after  the  sepa- 
ration, since  the  prudent  and  the  enterprising  will 
abandon  the  doomed  region,  and  few  or  none  will 
enter  it  from  without.  Hence  it  is  obvious  that 

*  "A  state  of  military  preparation  must  always  be  with  us  a  state 

of  perfect  domestic  security.     A  profound  peace,  and  consequent 

apathy,  may  expose  us  to  the  danger  of  domestic  insurrection.''  — 

Message  of  Gov.  Hayne  to  the  Legislature  of  South  Carolina,  1833. 

17 


194  CONSEQUENCES  OF  A  SEPARATION. 

the  white  population  could  gain  no  accession  from 
the  erection  of  the  southern  Stales  into  a  separate 
confederacy. 

Would  secession  augment  the  wealth  of  the 
South  ?  Be  it  remembered  that  there  is  now  no 
one  restriction  on  southern  industry  and  en- 
terprise which  separation  would  remove.  The 
slaveholders  in  Congress  with  rare  exceptions, 
have  conducted  the  affairs  of  the  nation  to  suit 
themselves.  So  far  as  the  interests  of  the  north- 
ern manufacturer  were  identified  with  the  tariff, 
they  have  been  sacrificed  at  the  mandate  of  the 
cotton  grower;  and  so  far  as  national  legislation 
can  promote  the  wealth  of  the  South,  the  stat- 
utes are  already  enacted. 

It  will  not  be  denied  that  the  larger  portion  of 
the  strength  of  the  Union  —  population,  money, 
commerce,  and  shipping  is  to  be  found  at  the 
North.  In  all  these  elements  of  national  power, 
the  South  participates  equally  with  the  North. 
The  foreign  invader  is  kept  from  her  shores,  and 
her  property  abroad  is  protected  from  spoliation 
at  least  as  much  by  the  power  of  the  North,  as  by 
her  own.  Her  strength  for  all  purposes  of  de- 
fence, is  the  strength  of  the  Union.  What  would 
it  be  after  secession  ?  True  it  is,  the  South  would 
receive  Texas  into  her  arms,  but  she  would  derive 


CONSEQUENCES  OP  A  SEPARATION.  195 

neither  honour  nor  power  from  the  loathsome  em- 
brace. Annexation  now  would  ensure  to  her  the 
political  dominion  of  the  whole  Republic,  but 
after  secession,  would  cause  rather  weakness  than 
strength. 

As  we  can  discover  no  possible  advantage 
which  the  South  could  derive  from  secession,  we 
are  convinced  that  the  threats  of  dissolving  the 
Union,  which  her  statesmen  are  so  prodigal  in 
scattering,  are  the  ebullitions  of  passion,  or  the 
devices  of  policy,  rather  than  the  result  of  mature 
determination.  This  conviction  is  strengthened 
by  still  further  considerations. 

Should  the  slave  States  withdraw  without  any 
aggression  on  their  rights,  but  for  the  sole  purpose 
of  enjoying  in  greater  privacy  and  tranquillity  the 
sweets  of  slavery,  they  would  leave  the  whole 
North  in  a  state  of  high  exasperation.  The  liga- 
ments which  have  so  long  bound  us  together,  can- 
not be  ruthlessly  and  wantonly  torn  asunder,  with- 
out causing  deep  and  festering  wounds,  the  con- 
sequences of  which,  the  imagination  revolts  from 
anticipating.  And  in  what  light  would  the  dark 
and  gloomy  despotism  be  viewed  by  the  civilized 
world  ?  Mankind  would  behold,  and  wonder,  and 
despise.  The  new  State  would  be  excluded  from 
the  companionship  of  nations.  Her  cotton  would 


196     CONSEQUENCES  OF  A  SEPARATION. 

indeed  be  still  purchased,  as  we  buy  the  coffee  of 
Hayti ;  but  with  the  least  possible  intimacy.  Al- 
ready is  our  Minister  at  London  treated  with 
contumely,  because  he  is  a  slaveholder  —  as  the 
representative  only  of  the  men  who  had  shattered 
the  American  republic  to  secure  the  permanency 
of  human  bondage,  he  would  not  be  endured  at 
any  court  in  Europe  with  the  exception  of  Con- 
stantinople. In  a  few  years,  the  slaves  would  at- 
tain a  frightful  numerical  superiority  over  their 
masters.  The  dread  of  insurrection  within,  and 
of  aggression  from  without,  would  realize  the  pre- 
diction of  holy  writ,  when  men's  hearts  shall  fail 
them  for  fear,  and  for  looking  after  those  things 
which  are  coming  on  the  earth.  At  length  the 
fatal  period  would  arrive,  when,  stung  with  insults 
and  injuries,  the  new  empire  would  appeal  to 
arms;  and  should  a  hostile  army  land  upon  its 
shores,  the  standard  of  emancipation  would  be 
reared,  and  slavery  would  expire  in  blood. 

We  well  know  with  what  indignant  feelings  these 
pages  will  at  first  be  read  by  many  ;  and  fortunate 
shall  we  deem  ourselves  should  we  escape  the 
imputation  of  writing  to  promote  insurrection  and 
disunion.  But  we  appeal  from  the  decision  of 
angry  passion,  to  that  of  calm  reflection.  Do  we 
not  speak  the  words  of  truth  and  soberness  ?  Do 


CONSEQUENCES  OP  A  SEPARATION.  197 

not  the  signs  of  the  times  warrant  our  predictions  ? 
In  what  respect  do  the  sentiments  we  have  uttered 
conflict  with  the  lessons  of  history,  or  the  charac- 
ter of  human  nature  ?  Do  we  love  the  union  of 
the  States?  (!)  If  such  a  love  can  descend  by  in- 
heritance, we  should  possess  it;  if  it  can  be  founded 
on  the  most  thorough  conviction  of  the  importance 
of  union  not  merely  to  the  prosperity  of  our  coun- 
try, but  to  the  happiness  of  numerous  and  beloved 
children  and  relatives,  we  should  possess  it.  If 
the  history  of  the  States  of  Greece,  of  Italy,  of 
Holland,  of  Germany,  of  South  America,  and  of 
our  own  land,  demonstrates  the  blessings  of  union, 
and  the  calamities  of  separation  ;  then  should  the 
prayer  of  every  American  ascend  to  Heaven  for 
the  perpetuity  of  the  American  Union.  But  let 
it  be  a  union  for  the  preservation,  not  the  destruc- 
tion of  liberty  :  a  union  cemented  by  a  sacred  ob- 
servance of  the  constitutional  compact ;  not  en- 
forced by  gag  laws,  a  censorship  of  the  press,  and 
the  abrogation  of  the  right  of  petition  —  a  union 
in  conformity  with  the  will  of  God,  not  in 
contempt  of  his  authority  —  a  union  that  shall  be 
regarded  as  a  common  blessing,  not  held  as  a 
boon  from  the  South,  ever  ready  to  be  withdrawn 
as  a  penalty  for  the  discharge  of  moral  and  poli- 
tical duties. 

17* 


198  CONCLUSION. 

May  Almighty  God  in  mercy  preserve  the  friends 
of  emancipation,  from  the  sin  and  folly  of  even 
hazarding  the  Union,  by  the  slightest  encroach- 
ment on  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  South,  and 
may  He  give  them  grace  to  maintain  their  own 
rights  in  defiance  of  every  menace. 

NOTE.  Mr.  Monroe  is  inadvertently  said  (p.  105) 
to  have  been  placed  at  the  head  of  the  American 
Colonization  Society :  he  was  President  not  of  the 
parent  institution,  but  of  one  of  its  auxiliaries. 


APPENDIX. 

HAVING  mentioned  the  charge  made  by  President 
Jackson  against  the  New- York  abolitionists,  in  his 
message  to  Congress,  and  alluded  to  the  letter 
they  addressed  to  him  respecting  it,  we  have 
thought  it  might  be  useful  to  insert  here  the  letter 
itself,  as  showing  more  in  detail  one  of  the  unwar- 
rantable expedients  to  which  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment has  resorted  in  behalf  of  slavery. 

"  To  the  President  of  the  United  States  : 

"  SIR: —  In  your  message  to  Congress  of  the  7th 
instant,  are  the  following  passages  :  « I  must  also 
invite  your  attention  to  the  painful  excitement 
produced  in  the  South,  by  attempts  to  circulate 
through  the  mails,  inflammatory  appeals,  addres- 
sed to  the  passions  of  the  slaves,  in  prints  and  in 
various  sorts  of  publications,  calculated  to  stimu- 
late them  to  insurrection,  and  produce  all  the  hor- 
rors of  a  servile  war.  There  is,  doubtless,  no  re- 


200  APPENDIX. 

spectable  portion  of  our  countrymen  who  can  be 
so  far  misled  as  to  feel  any  other  sentiment  than 
that  of  indignant  regret,  at  conduct  so  destruc- 
tive of  the  harmony  and  peace  of  the  country,  and 
so  repugnant  to  the  principles  of  our  national  com- 
pact) and  to  the  dictates  of  humanity  and  religion.' 
You  remark,  that  it  is  fortunate  that  the  people 
of  the  North  have  '  given  so  strong  and  impres- 
sive a  tone  to  the  sentiments  entertained  against 
the  proceedings  of  the  misguided  persons  who 
have  engaged  in  these  unconstitutional  and  wicked 
attempts.'  And  you  proceed  to  suggest  to  Con- 
gress, '  the  propriety  of  passing  such  a  law  as  will 
prohibit,  under  severe  penalties,  the  circulation 
in  the  southern  States,  through  the  mails,  of  in- 
cendiary publications,  intended  to  instigate  the 
slaves  to  insurrection.' 

"A  servile  insurrection,  as  experience  has  shown, 
involves  the  slaughter  of  the  whites,  without  re- 
spect to  sex  or  age.  Hence,  sir,  the  purport  of 
the  information  you  have  communicated  to  Con- 
gress and  to  the  world,  is,  that  there  are  Ameri- 
can citizens  who,  in  violation  of  the  dictates  of 
humanity  and  religion,  have  engaged  in  unconsti- 
tutional and  wicked  attempts  to  circulate,  through 
the  mails,  inflammatory  appeals  addressed  to  the 
passions  of  the  slaves,  and  which  appeals,  as  is 


APPENDIX.  201 

implied  in  the  object  of  your  proposed  law,  are 
intended  to  stimulate  the  slaves  to  indiscriminate 
massacre.  Recent  events  irresistibly  confine  the 
application  of  your  remarks  to  the  officers  and 
members  of  the  American  Anti-slavery  Society 
and  its  auxiliaries. 

"On  the  28th  of  March,  1834,  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  passed  the  following  resolution  : 

'Resolved,  That  the  President,  in  relation  to 
the  public  revenue,  has  assumed  upon  himself 
authority  and  power  not  conferred  by  the  Con- 
stitution and  laws,  but  in  derogation  of  both.' 

"  On  the  5th  of  the  ensuing  month,  you  transmit- 
ted to  that  body  your  '  solemn  protest '  against 
their  decision.  Instructed  by  your  example,  we 
now,  sir,  in  behalf  of  the  Society  of  which  we 
are  the  constituted  organs,  and  in  behalf  of  all 
who  are  associated  with  it,  present  to  you  this,  our 
'  solemn  protest '  against  your  grievous  and  un- 
founded accusations. 

"  Should  it  be  supposed,  that  in  thus  addressing 
you,  we  are  wanting  in  the  respect  due  to  your 
exalted  station,  we  offer,  in  our  vindication,  your 
own  acknowledgement  to  the  Senate :  '  Subject 
only  to  the  restraints  of  truth  and  justice,  the  free 
people  of  the  United  States  have  the  undoubted 
right  as  individuals,  or  collectively,  orally,  or  in 


202  APPENDIX.          i 

writing,  at  such  times  and  in  such  language  and 
form  as  they  may  think  proper,  to  discuss  his  (the 
President's)  official  conduct,  and  to  express  and 
promulgate  their  opinions  concerning  it.' 

"In  the  exercise  of  this  'undoubted  right/  we 
protest  against  the  judgement  you  have  pronounc- 
ed against  the  abolitionists. 

"First.  Because,  in  rendering  that  judgement 
officially,  you  assumed  a  power  not  belonging  to 
your  office. 

"  You  complained  that  the  resolution  censuring 
your  conduct,  'though  adopted  by  the  Senate  in 
its  legislative  capacity,  is,  in  its  effects  and  in  its 
characteristics,  essentially  judicial.'  And  thus, 
sir,  although  the  charges  of  which  we  complain 
were  made  by  you  in  your  executive  capacity, 
they  are,  equally  with  the  resolution,  essentially 
judicial.  The  Senate  adjudged  that  your  conduct 
was  unconstitutional.  You  pass  the  same  judge- 
ment on  our  efforts.  Nay,  sir,  you  go  farther  than 
the  Senate.  That  body  forebore  to  impeach  your 
motives — but  you  have  assumed  the  prerogatives, 
not  only  of  a  court  of  law,  but  of  conscience  — • 
and  pronounce  our  efforts  to  be  wicked  as  well  as 
unconstitutional. 

"  Secondly.  We  protest  against  the  publicity  you 
have  given  to  your  accusations. 


APPENDIX.  203 

"  You  felt  it  to  be  a  grievance,  that  the  charge 
against  you  was  '  spread  upon  the  Journal  of  the 
Senate,  published  to  the  nation  and  to  the  world 
—  made  part  of  our  enduring  archives,  and  incor- 
porated in  the  history  of  the  age.  The  punish- 
ment of  removal  from  office,  and  future  disqualifi- 
cation, does  not  follow  the  decision  ;  but  the  mor- 
al influence  of  a  solemn  declaration  by  a  majority 
of  the  Senate,  that  the  accused  is  guilty  of  the  of- 
fence charged  upon  him,  has  been  as  effectually 
secured  as  if  the  like  declaration  had  been  made 
upon  an  impeachment  expressed  in  the  same 
terms.' 

"And  is  it  nothing,  sir,  that  we  are  officially 
charged  by  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
with  wicked  and  unconstitutional  efforts,  and  with 
harbouring  the  most  execrable  intentions;  and* 
this  too,  in  a  document  spread  upon  the  Journals 
of  both  Houses  of  Congress,  published  to  the  na- 
tion and  to  the  world,  made  part  of  our  enduring 
archives,  and  incorporated  in  the  history  of  the 
age  ?  It  is  true,  that  although  you  have  given 
judgement  against  us,  you  cannot  award  execu- 
tion. We  are  not,  indeed,  subjected  to  the  pen- 
alty of  murder ;  but  need  we  ask  you,  sir,  what 
must  be  the  moral  influence  of  your  declaration, 
that  we  have  intended  its  perpetration? 


204  APPENDIX. 

"  Thirdly.  We  protest  against  your  condemna- 
tion of  us  unheard. 

"  What,  sir,  was  your  complaint  against  the  Sen- 
ate ?  «  Without  notice,  unheard,  and  untried,  I 
find  myself  charged,  on  the  records  of  the  Senate, 
and  in  a  form  unknown  in  our  country,  with  the 
high  crime  of  violating  the  laws  and  Constitution 
of  my  country.  No  notice  of  the  charge  was 
given  to  the  accused,  and  no  opportunity  afforded 
him  to  respond  to  the  accusation — to  meet  his 
accusers  face  to  face — to  cross-examine  the  wit- 
nesses—  to  procure  counteracting  testimony,  or 
to  be  heard  in  his  defence.' 

"  Had  you,  sir,  done  to  others,  as  it  thus  seems 
you  would  that  others  should  do  to  you,  no  occa- 
sion would  have  been  given  for  this  protest.  You 
most  truly  assert,  in  relation  to  the  conduct  of  the 
Senate,  '  It  is  the  policy  of  our  benign  system  of 
jurisprudence,  to  secure  in  all  criminal  proceed- 
ings, and  even  in  the  most  trivial  litigations,  a 
fair,  unprejudiced,  and  impartial  trial.'  And  by 
what  authority,  sir,  do  you  except  such  of  your 
fellow-citizens  as  are  known  as  abolitionists,  from 
the^benefit  of  this  benign  system?  When  has  a 
fair,  unprejudiced,  and  impartial  trial  been  accor- 
ded to  those  who  dare  to  maintain  that  all  men 
are  equally  entitled  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit 


APPENDIX.  205 

of  happiness  ?  What  was  the  trial,  sir,  which 
preceded  the  judgement  you  have  rendered  against 
them? 

"Fourthly.  We  protest  against  the  vagueness  of 
your  charges. 

"We  cannot  more  forcibly  describe  the  injustice 
you  have  done  us,  than  by  adopting  your  own  in- 
dignant remonstrance,  against  what  you  deemed 
similar  injustice  on  the  part  of  the  Senate  :  «  Some 
of  the  first  principles  of  natural  right  and  enlight- 
ened jurisprudence,  have  been  violated  in  the  very 
form  of  the  resolution.     It  carefully  abstains  from 
averring  in  which  of  the  late  proceedings  the  Pre- 
sident has  assumed  upon  himself  authority  and 
power  not  conferred  by  the  constitution  and  laws. 
Why  was  not  the  certainty  of  the  offence,  the  na- 
ture and  cause  of  the  accusation,  set  out  in  the 
manner  required  in  the  constitution,  before   even 
the  humblest  individual,  for  the  smallest  crime, 
can  be  exposed  to  condemnation  ?    Such  a  speci- 
fication was  due  to  the  accused,  that  he  might 
direct  his  defence  to  the  real  points  of  attack.     A 
more  striking  illustration  of  the  soundness  and 
necessity  of  the  rules  which  forbid  vague  and  in- 
definite generalities,  and  require  a  reasonable  cer- 
tainty in  all  judicial  allegations,  and  a  more  glar- 
ing instance  of  the  violation  of  these  rules,  has 
seldom  been  exhibited.' 
18 


206  APPENDIX. 

"It  has  been  reserved  for  you,  sir,  to  exhibit  a 
still  more  striking  illustration  of  the  importance  of 
these  rules,  and  a  still  more  glaring  instance  of 
their  violation.  You  have  accused  an  indefinite 
number  of  your  fellow- citizens,  without  designation 
of  name  or  residence,  of  making  unconstitutional 
and  wicked  efforts,  and  of  harbouring  intentions 
which  could  be  entertained  only  by  the  most  de- 
praved and  abandoned  of  mankind  ;  and  yet  you 
carefully  abstain  from  averring  which  article  of 
the  constitution  they  have  transgressed  ;  you  omit 
stating  when,  where,  and  by  whom  these  wicked 
attempts  were  made  ;  you  give  no  specification  of 
the  inflammatory  appeals  which  you  assert  have 
been  addressed  to  the  passions  of  the  slaves.  Ypu 
well  know  that  the  ' moral  influence9  of  your 
charges  will  affect  thousands  of  your  countrymen, 
many  of  them  your  political  friends  —  some  of 
them  heretofore  honoured  with  your  confidence  — 
most,  if  not  all  of  them,  of  irreproachable  charac- 
ters ;  and  yet,  by  the  very  vagueness  of  your 
charges,  you  incapacitate  each  one  of  this  multitude 
from  proving  his  innocence. 

"Fifthly.  We  protest  against  your  charges,  be- 
cause they  are  untrue.  Surely,  sir,  the  burthen 
of  proof  rests  upon  you.  If  you  possess  evidence 
against  us,  we  are  by  your  own  showing,  entitled 
to  '  an  opportunity  to  cross-examine  witnesses,  to 
\ 


APPENDIX.  207 

procure  counteracting  testimony,  and  to  be  heard 
in  [owr]  defence.'  You  complained  that  you  had 
been  denied  such  an  opportunity.  It  was  not  to 
have  been  expected,  then,  that  you  would  make 
the  conduct  of  the  Senate  the  model  of  your  own. 
Conscious  of  the  wrong  done  to  you,  and  protest- 
ing against  it,  you  found  yourself  compelled  to 
enter  on  your  defence.  You  have  placed  us  in 
similar  circumstances,  and  we  proceed  to  follow 
your  example : 

"The  substance  of  your  various  allegations  may 
be  embodied  jn  the  charge,  that  we  have  attempted 
to  circulate,  through  the  mails,  appeals  addressed 
to  the  passions  of  the  slaves,  calculated  to  stimulate 
them  to  insurrection,  and  with  the  intention  of  pro- 
ducing a  servile  war. 

"  It  is  deserving  of  notice,  that  the  attempt  to 
circulate  our  papers,  is  alone  charged  upon  us. 
It  is  not  pretended  that  we  have  put  our  appeals 
into  the  hands  of  a  single  slave,  or  that,  in  any 
instance,  our  endeavours  to  excite  a  servile  war 
have  been  crowned  with  success.  And  in  what 
way  was  our  most  execrable  attempts  made?  By 
secret  agents,  traversing  the  slave  country  in  dis- 
guise, stealing  by  night  into  the  hut  of  the  slave, 
and  there  reading  to  him  our  inflammatory  ap- 
peals ?  You,  sir,  answer  this  question  by  declar- 
ing, that  we  attempted  the  mighty  mischief  by 


208  APPENDIX. 

circulating  our  appeals  'THROUGH  THE  MAILS!' 
And  are  the  southern  slaves,  sir,  accustomed  to 
receive  periodicals  by  mail  ?  Of  the  thousands 
of  publications  mailed  from  the  Anti-slavery  Of- 
fice for  the  South,  did  you  ever  hear,  sir,  of  one 
solitary  paper  being  addressed  to  a  slave  ?  Would 
you  know  to  whom  they  were  directed,  consult 
.the  southern  newspapers,  and  you  will  find  them 
complaining  that  they  were  sent  to  public  officers, 
clergymen,  and  other  influential  citizens.  Thus 
it  seems  we  are  incendiaries,  who  place  the  torch 
*n  the  hands  of  him  whose  dwellings  we  would 
fire  !  We  are  conspiring  to  excite  a  servile  war, 
and  announce  our  design  to  the  masters,  and  com- 
mit to  their  care  and  disposal  the  very  instru- 
ments by  which  we  expect  to  effect  our  purpose  ! 
It  has  been  said  that  thirty  or  forty  of  our  papers 
were  received  at  the  South,  directed  to  free  peo- 
ple of  colour.  We  cannot  deny  the  assertion, 
because  these  papers  may  have  been  mailed  by 
others,  for  the  sinister  purpose  of  charging  the 
act  upon  us.  We  are,  however,  ready  to  make 
our  several  affidavits,  that  not  one  paper,  with 
our  knowledge,  or  by  our  authority,  has  ever  been 
sent  to  any  such  person  in  a  slave  State.  The 
free  people  of  colour  at  the  South  can  exert  no 
influence  in  behalf  of  the  enslaved  ;  and  we  have 


APPENDIX.  209 

no  disposition  to  excite   odium  against  them,  by 
making  them  the  recipients  of  our  publications. 

"  Your  proposal  that  a  law  should  be  passed, 
punishing  the  circulation,  through  the  mails,  of 
papers  intended  to  excite  the  slaves  to  insurrection, 
necessarily  implies  that  such  papers  are  now  cir- 
culated ;  and  you  expresslv  and  positively  assert, 
that  we  have  attempted  to  circulate  appeals  ad- 
dressed to  the  passions  of  the  slaves,  and  calcu- 
lated to  produce  all  the  horrors  of  a  servile  war. 
We  trust,  sir,  your  proposed  law,  so  portentous  to 
the  freedom  of  the  press,  will  not  be  enacted,  till 
you  have  furnished  Congress  with  stronger  evi- 
dence of  its  necessity  than  unsupported  asser- 
tions. We  hope  you  will  lay  before  that  body, 
for  its  information,  the  papers  to  which  you  refer. 
This  is  the  more  necessary,  as  the  various  public 
journals  and  meetings  which  have  denounced  us 
for  entertaining  insurrectionary  and  murderous 
designs,  have  in  no  instance  been  able  to  quote 
from  our  publications,  a  single  exhortation  to  the 
slaves  to  break  their  fetters,  or  the  expression  of 
a  solitary  wish  for  a  servile  war. 

"How  far  our  writings  are  '  calculated  *  to  pro- 
duce insurrection,  is  a  question  which  will  be  va- 
riously decided  according  to  the  latitude  in  which 
it  is  discussed.     When  we  recollect  that  the  hum- 
18* 


210  APPENDIX. 

ble  school-book,  the  tale  of  fiction,  and  the  costly 
annual,  have  been  placed  under  the  ban  of  south- 
ern editors  for  trivial  allusions  to  slavery  —  and 
that  a  southern  divine  has  warned  his  fellow-citi- 
zens of  the  danger  of  permitting  slaves  to  be  pre- 
sent at  the  celebration  of  our  national  festival, 
where  they  might  listen  to  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, and  to  eulogiums  on  liberty,  —  we  have 
little  hope  that  our  disquisitions  on  human  rights 
will  be  generally  deemed  safe  and  innocent,  where 
those  rights  are  habitually  violated.  Certain  wri- 
tings of  one  of  your  predecessors,  President  Jef- 
ferson, would  undoubtedly  be  regarded,  in  some 
places,  so  insurrectionary  as  to  expose  to  popu- 
lar violence  whoever  should  presume  to  circulate 
them. 

"  As  therefore,  sir,  there  is  no  common  standard 
by  which  the  criminality  of  opinions  respecting 
slavery  can  be  tested,  we  acknowledge  the  fore- 
sight which  prompted  you  to  recommend,  that  the 
•severe  penalties'"  of  your  proposed  law  should  be 
awarded,  not  according  to  the  character  of  the 
publication,  but  the  intention  of  the  writer.  Still, 
sir,  we  apprehend  that  no  trivial  difficulties  will 
be  experienced  in  the  application  of  your  law. 
The  writer  may  be  anonymous,  or  beyond  the 
reach  of  prosecution,  while  the  porter  who  de- 
posites  the  papers  in  the  post-office,  and  the  mail 


APPENDIX.  211 

carrier  who  transports  them,  having  no  evil  in- 
tentions, cannot  be  visited  with  the  '  severe  pen- 
alties ;'  and  thus  will  your  law  fail  in  securing  to 
the  South  that  entire  exemption  from  all  discus- 
sion on  the  subject  of  slavery,  which  it  so  vehe- 
mently desires.  The  success  of  the  attempt  al- 
ready made  to  establish  a  censorship  of  the  press, 
is  not  such  as  to  invite  farther  encroachment  on 
the  rights  of  the  people  to  publish  their  senti- 
ments. 

"  In  your  protest,  you  remarked  to  the  Senate  : 
'  The  whole  Executive  power  being  vested  in  the 
President,  who  is  responsible  for  its  exercise,  it  is 
a  necessary  consequence  that  he  should  have  a 
right  to  employ  agents  of  his  own  choice,  to  aid 
him  in  the  performance  of  his  duties,  and  to  dis- 
charge them  when  he  is  no  longer  willing  to  be 
RESPONSIBLE  for  their  acts.  He  is  equally  bound 
to  take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed, 
whether  they  impose  duties  on  the  highest  officer 
of  State,  or  the  lowest  subordinate  in  any  of  the 
departments.' 

"  It  may  not  be  uninteresting  to  you,  sir,  to  be 
informed  in  what  manner  your  '  Subordinate '  in 
New-York,  who,  on  your  '  responsibility,'  is  exer- 
cising the  functions  of  Censor  of  the  American 
press,  discharges  the  arduous  duties  of  this  untri- 
ed, and  until  now,  unheard  of  office.  We  beg 


212  APPENDIX. 

leave  to  assure  you,  that  his  task  is  executed  with 
a  simplicity  of  principle,  and  celerity  of  despatch, 
unknown  to  any  Censor  of  the  press  in  France 
or  Austria.  Your  subordinate  decides  upon  the 
incendiary  character  of  the  publications  commit- 
ted to  the  post-office,  by  a  glance  at  the  wrappers 
or  bags  in  which  they  are  contained.  No  pack- 
ages sent  to  be  mailed  from  our  office,  and  direct- 
ed to  a  slave  State,  can  escape  the  vigilance  of 
this  inspector  of  canvass  and  brown  paper.  Even 
your  own  protest,  sir,  if  in  an  anti-slavery  envel- 
ope, would  be  arrested  on  its  progress  to  the 
South,  as  '  inflammatory,  incendiary,  and  insurrec- 
tionary in  the  highest  degree.' 

"  No  veto,  however,  is  as  yet  imposed  on  the 
circulation  of  publications  fronl'any  printing-office 
but  our  own.  Hence,  when  we  desire  to  send 
'  appeals'  to  the  South,  all  that  is  necessary  is,  to 
insert  them  in  some  newspaper  that  espouses  our 
principles,  pay  for  as  many  thousand  copies  as  we 
think  proper,  and  order  them  to  be  mailed  ac- 
cording to  our  instructions. 

"  Such,  sir,  is  the  worthless  protection  purchased 
for  the  South,  by  the  most  unblushing  and  danger- 
ous usurpation  of  which  any  public  officer  has 
been  guilty  since  the  organization  of  our  Federal 
Government.  Were  the  Senate,  in  reference  to 
your  acknowledged  responsibility  for  the  conduct 


APPENDIX.  213 

of  your  subordinates,  to  resolve  '  that  the  Presi- 
dent, in  relation  to  the  suppression  of  certain  pa- 
pers in  the  New- York  Post-Office,  has  assumed 
upon  himself  authority  and  power  not  conferred 
by  the  Constitution  and  laws,  but  in  derogation  of 
both;'  instead  of  protesting  against  the  charge, 
you  would  be  compelled  to  acknowledge  its 
truth,  and  you  would  plead  the  necessity  of  the 
case  in  your  vindication.  The  weight  to  be  at- 
tached to  such  a  plea,  may  be  learned  from  the 
absurdity  and  inefficacy  of  the  New- York  Cen- 
sorship. Be  assured,  sir,  your  proposed  law  to 
punish  the  intentions  of  an  author,  will,  in  its  prac- 
tical operations,  prove  equally  impotent. 

"  And  now,  sir,  permit  us  respectfully  to  sug- 
gest to  you,  the  propriety  of  ascertaining  the 
real  designs  of  abolitionists,  before  your  appre- 
hensions of  them  lead  you  to  sanction  any  more- 
trifling  with  the  LIBERTY  OF  THE  PRESS.  You  as- 
sume it  as  a  fact,  that  abolitionists  are  miscre- 
ants, who  are  labouring  to  effect  the  massacre  of 
their  southern  brethren.  Are  you  aware  of  the 
extent  of  the  reproach  which  such  an  assumption 
casts  upon  the  character  of  your  countrymen? 
In  August  last,  the  number  of  Anti-slavery  So- 
cieties known  to  us  was  263  ;  we  have  now  the 
names  of  more  than  350  societies,  and  accessions 
are  daily  made  to  the  multitude  who  embrace 


214  APPENDIX. 

our  principles.  And  can  you  think  it  possible,  sir, 
that  these  citizens  are  deliberately  plotting  mur- 
der, and  furnishing  us  with  funds  to  send  publica- 
tions to  the  South  '  intended  to  instigate  the  slaves 
to  insurrection  ?'  Is  there  anything  in  the  cha- 
racter and  manners  of  the  free  States,  to  warrant 
the  imputation  on  their  citizens  of  such  enormous 
wickedness  ?  Have  you  ever  heard,  sir,  of  whole 
communities  in  these  States  subjecting  obnoxious 
individuals  to  a  mock  trial,  and  then,  in  contempt 
of  law,  humanity,  and  religion,  deliberately  mur- 
dering them  ?  You  have  seen,  in  the  public  jour- 
nals, great  rewards  offered  for  the  perpetration  of 
horrible  crimes.  We  appeal  to  your  candour, 
and  ask,  were  these  rewards  offered  by  aboli- 
tionists, or  by  men  whose  charges  against  aboli- 
tionists you  have  condescended  to  sanction  and 
disseminate  ? 

"And  what,  sir,  is  the  character  of  those  whom 
you  have  in  your  message  held  up  to  the  execra- 
tion of  the  civilized  world  ?  Their  enemies  being 
judges,  they  are  religious  fanatics.  And  what 
are  the  haunts  of  these  plotters  of  murder  ?  The 
pulpit,  the  bench,  the  bar,  the  professor's  chair, 
the  hall  of  legislation,  the  meeting  for  prayer,  the 
temple  of  the  Most  High.  But  strange  and  mon- 
strous as  is  this  conspiracy,  still  you  believe  in  its 
existence,  and  call  on  Congress  to  counteract  it. 


APPENDIX.  215 

Be  persuaded,  sir,  the  moral  sense  of  the  commu- 
nity is  abundantly  sufficient  to  render  this  conspi- 
racy utterly  impotent  the  moment  its  machina- 
tions are  exposed.  Only  PROVE  the  assertions 
and  insinuations  in  your  message,  and  you  dissolve 
in  an  instant  every  Anti-slavery  Society  in  our 
land.  Think  not,  sir,  that  we  shall  interpose  any 
obstacle  to  an  inquiry  into  our  conduct.  We  in- 
vite, nay,  sir,  we  entreat  the  appointment  by  Con- 
gress of  a  Committee  of  Investigation  to  visit  the 
Anti-slavery  Office  in  New- York.  They  shall  be 
put  in  possession  of  copies  of  all  the  publications 
that  have  issued  from  our  press.  Our  whole  cor- 
respondence shall  be  submitted  to  their  inspec- 
tion ;  our  accounts  of  receipts  and  expenditures 
shall  be  spread  before  them,  and  we  ourselves 
will  cheerfully  answer  under  oath  whatever  inter- 
rogatories they  may  put  to  us  relating  to  the 
charges  you  have  advanced. 

"  Should  such  a  committee  be  denied,  and 
should  the  law  you  propose,  stigmatizing  us  as 
felons,  be  passed  without  inquiry  into  the  truth  of 
your  accusation,  and  without  allowing  us  a  hear- 
ing, then  shall  we  make  the  language  of  your  pro- 
test our  own,  and  declare  that,  '  If  such  proceed- 
ings shall  be  approved  and  sustained  by  an  intelli- 
gent people,  then  will  the  great  contest  with  arbi- 
trary power  which  had  established  in  statutes,  in 


216  APPENDIX. 

bills  of  rights,  in  sacred  charters,  and  in  constitu- 
tions of  government,  the  right  of  every  citizen  to 
a  notice  before  trial,  to  a  hearing  before  condem- 
nation, and  to  an  impartial  tribunal  for  deciding 
on  the  charge,  have  been  made  in  VAIN.' 

"Before  we  conclude,  permit  us,  sir,  to  offer 
you  the  following  assurances. 

"  Our  principles,  our  objects,  and  our  measures, 
are  wholly  uncontaminated  by  considerations  of 
party  policy.  Whatever  may  be  our  respective 
opinions  as  citizens,  of  men  and  measures,  as  abo- 
litionists we  have  expressed  no  political  prefer- 
ences, and  are  pursuing  no  party  ends.  From 
neither  of  the  gentlemen  nominated  to  succeed 
you,  have  we  any  thing  to  hope  or  fear ;  and 
to  neither  of  them  do  we  intend  as  abolitionists, 
to  afford  any  aid  or  influence.  This  declaration 
will,  it  is  hoped,  satisfy  the  partisans  of  the  rival 
candidates,  that  it  is  not  necessary  for  them  to  as- 
sail our  rights  by  way  of  convincing  the  South 
that  they  do  not  possess  our  favour. 

"  We  have  addressed  you,  sir,  on  this  occasion, 
with  republican  plainness,  and  Christian  sincerity  ; 
but  with  no  desire  to  derogate  from  the  respect 
that  is  due  to  you,  or  wantonly  to  give  you  pain. 
To  repel  your  charges,  and  to  disabuse  the  public, 
was  a  duty  we  owed  to  ourselves,  to  our  children, 
and  above  all  to  the  great  and  holy  cause  in  which 


APPENDIX.  217 

we  are  engaged.  That  cause  we  believe  is  ap- 
proved by  our  Maker ;  and  while  we  retain  this 
belief,  it  is  our  intention,  trusting  to  His  direction 
and  protection,  to  persevere  in  our  endeavours  to 
impress  upon  the  minds  and  hearts  of  our  country- 
men, the  sinfulness  of  claiming  property  in  human 
beings,  and  the  duty  and  wisdom  of  immediately 
relinquishing  it. 

When  convinced  that  our  endeavours  are  wrong, 
we  shall  abandon  them ;  but  such  conviction  must 
be  produced  by  other  arguments  than  vituperation, 
popular  violence,  or  penal  enactments. 
ARTHUR  TAPPAN, 
WILLIAM  JAY, 
JOHN  RANKIN, 
ABRAHAM  L.  COX, 
JOSHUA  LEAVITT, 
SIMEON  S.  JOCELYN, 
LEWIS  TAPPAN, 
THEODORE  S.  WRIGHT, 
SAMUEL  E.  CORNISH, 
ELIZUR  WRIGHT,  JR. 

Executive  Committee. 
NEW- YORK,  Dec.  26,  1835. 

THE   END. 

• 

19 


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